London Aliens
Introduction
During the sixteenth century, London experienced a massive immigration of
Dutch, Flemish, and even French Protestant refugees fleeing religious
persecution in the European Low Countries.1 From 1567 to 1571, an
estimated 18,000 people were executed for their religious beliefs in the
Spanish Low Countries, following the Duke of Alva’s appointment to
Captain-General (Finlay 67).
This persecution served to intensify the wave of immigrants escaping the
Low Countries. These Protestant refugees created a noticeable alien2 community within London,
greatly contributing to the economic innovations and industries that
were developing at the time. As a recognized body within London, the
refugees were granted the Dutch Church of Austin
Friars as a separate place of worship. Prominent alien
communities were established in such areas as Westminster, Southwark, Candlewick Street, Lombard Street, Bishopsgate,
and the liberties of St. Martin.
Interactions and tensions between alien artisans and the London companies
became a heated issue, since many of the immigrants moving to England
were skilled workers. Native tradesmen felt threatened by the advanced
skills and techniques the aliens possessed, and Dutch and Flemish
refugees were often blamed for the economic ills of the period,
especially during the severe drought and plague that haunted the 1590s
(Pettegree 291). Many
guilds and companies petitioned the government for laws against aliens;
in some cases, this xenophobia led to outright violence against aliens.
Despite these prejudices and fears, alien craft expertise greatly
contributed to England’s expanding economy, introducing to London the
production of commodities as such lace, and the economically important
New Draperies.3 Flemish weavers brought the
knowledge of how to create these desirable fabrics that allowed England
to better compete in international markets.
In Thomas Dekker’s play The Shoemaker’s Holiday,
relations between Lacey, who is disguised as the Dutch shoemaker Hans, and the native journeymen
that work in Simon Eyre’s shop are presented in an optimistic, even
idealized, light. The Shoemaker’s Holiday
presents
attitudes towards foreigners [...that are] at once friendly and satirical(Bevington,
Theatre as Holiday111). Dekker’s play fails to completely gloss over social problems. Instead, he satirizes the Dutch character, Hans, and makes references to the actual artisan situation in London. In this and other ways, The Shoemaker’s Holiday acknowledges and exposes the negative feelings that were aimed at sixteenth-century Dutch and Flemish aliens in London.
Aliens and Foreigners
Today the terms alien and foreigner are used interchangeably to
describe people who originate from a different country than the one in
which they reside. However, during the Early Modern period in England
these two terms had different, specific meanings. Early Modern
Englanders understood the term alien to mean
[o]ne who is a subject of another country than that in which he resides. A resident foreign in origin and not naturalized, whose allegiance is thus due to a foreign state(OED alien, n.3 a.). Naturalization was an Act of Parliament by which a refugee could legally become an English subject (Chitty 132). The use of the term foreigner today refers to
[a] person born in a foreign country; one from abroad or of another nation; an alien(OED foreigner, n.1.a.) During the early modern era, however, a foreigner was
[o]ne of another county, parish, etc.; a stranger, outsider. In early use esp. one not a member of any particular guild, a non-freeman(OED foreigner, n.2.). A foreigner came from somewhere within the country, but outside the city of London, while an alien originated from a country other than England.
Alien Craft Expertise
Many of the Flemish and Dutch immigrants fleeing the Low Countries
brought various craft techniques to England that enriched and
revitalized the Elizabethan economy. According to Unwin,
the alien immigrants of the 15th and 16th centuries supplied the main factor in an industrial renaissance which had as much importance for the economic development of England as the literary and artistic renaissance had for its intellectual development(246). Alien artisans were employed in such areas as goldsmithing, printing, paper-making, haberdashery, tapestry-weaving, shoemaking, bookselling, gardening, and weaving. These communities of artisans set up shop in such areas as Bermondsey, Blackfriars, Southwark, Westminster, and the liberties of St. Martin, St. Bartholomew, and St. Katherine (246–47). Other immigrants who sought sanctuary in England were merchants, bankers, engineers, architects, physicians, apothecaries, and victuallers (Norwood 50–52).
A number of innovations in crafts and trades were a direct result of the
influx of the immigrant population to England. Refugees from the Low
Countries introduced landscaping and gardening techniques that greatly
improved the state of English gardens (52) and the Flemish were thought to have
instituted the brewing of beer with hops in England (Unwin 246). The Flemish immigrants also
brought advanced printing techniques and products from the Continent
that were
far superior to [those] of their English colleagues(Murray 844). English printers were dependant upon Dutch type foundries for the production of typeface up until the eighteenth century. Above all others, the weaving industry benefited from the aliens’ craft expertise.
Although these alien artisans elevated the quality of English products,
they felt the antipathy of native artisans, who saw the immigrants as
competitors. Through the 1590s, the alien population in London became an
easy scapegoat for the social and economic ills of drought and plague
that ravaged the country. London’s guilds and companies4 responded to the
social anxiety surrounding the alien population by attempting to impose
a number of regulations upon alien artisans.
Weaving
Immigrants from the Low Countries had a distinct influence on the English
weaving industry, with many alien artisans practicing this trade and
bringing with them a number of specialized techniques that bolstered the
economy. The Flemish and Dutch refugees were credited not only with
introducing the techniques of lace-making (Cunningham 177–78) and silk-weaving (Unwin 246) to England, but also
with bringing the profitable and economically viable New Draperies5 from the Continent. These fabrics were lighter,
cheaper, and brighter than the traditional, heavy English products. The
New Draperies first originated in Ypres before being brought to Holland
and then to England with the alien refugees (Cunningham 150–60). This cloth was in high
demand in the Mediterranean countries, as it was more suited to the
climate than the thicker English weaves (Chitty 131). According to guild records,
seventy-three alien artisans were registered with the Weavers Company in
1583 (Unwin 250–51).
Despite the refugees’ significant contributions to the weaving industry
and their noticeable presence within the Weavers Company, the Company
repeatedly expressed prejudice against alien workers. Any alien wishing
to be admitted to the company was required to pay 25 shillings, a
comparatively greater amount than the 6 shillings and 8 pence plus a
silver spoon that was expected from Englishmen (Norwood 74). In 1582, the weavers
campaigned against those freemen who had learned silk-weaving from
aliens. There were also a number of petitions and attempts by the guild
to regulate the productivity of alien weavers with some of these
protests erupting in violence against the alien community. However,
Dutch and Flemish weavers often worked as many looms as they wanted,
employed as many apprentices as they needed, and even wove cloth outside
of the guild (76).
Furthermore, during the 1690s, Dutchman Anthony Ruyskaert was made
master of the weaver’s guild four or more times.
The New Draperies
The New Draperies were lighter-weight cloths that appeared in England in
the late sixteenth century and were various combinations of long wool,
silk, and linen yarn (Oxford
Dictionary of Local and Family History
New Draperies). The composition of these English nieuwe draperijen (new draperies) bore a striking resemblance to the Flemish lichte draperijen (light draperies), which were previously found on the continent (Holderness 221).
The new draperies were assuredly an innovation of Dutch or Walloons [in England] after 1560,since their arrival corresponded with the sixteenth-century wave of refugees to England and
[t]he elements which made up the new draperies were drawn from many parts of the continent(233). In England, the production of specific types of the New Draperies varied from town to town but, by and large, the Dutch immigrants chiefly produced says6 and bays,7
while the Walloons introduced a wide range of white sayette, coloured and lustrous textiles, says, serges, rashes, oliots, satins, and also camiant (changéant) cloths(Holderness 219).8 The New Draperies were in exceedingly high demand when they emerged in England and their arrival bolstered the economies of many small English towns and enhanced the overall quality of English fabrics.
Aliens and the Law
The appearance of the alien population in London spurred the creation of
a number of new laws and regulations regarding the trades these
immigrants practised. In 1524, England’s parliament granted the guilds
the right to regulate alien industry in London (Unwin 249). In 1563, Parliament passed the
Statute of Apprentices, which required refugees to complete a seven-year
apprenticeship under one of the recognized English companies, even if
they had previously become masters on the Continent (Norwood 4). This act also attempted to
regulate aliens’ wages and prices (36).9
Parliament subsequently issued the Court of Assistants Decree in 1585
that insisted that aliens must complete the required apprenticeship and
pay all dues if they wished to be admitted to a guild (75). These laws were supported, and often
petitioned for, by native craftsmen who felt threatened by the new,
foreign populace and their skills.
In 1573, the Lord Mayor of London felt the need to respond to the native
artisans’ xenophobia and addressed
the masters and wardens of the guilds on the subject of molestation of refugees, ordering them to see that no further trouble was given(80). One time after Parliament denied a bill petitioning against the alien community, a violent tract was posted on the Dutch Church of Austin Friars, urging aliens to leave London. In a desperate attempt to impose restrictions on refugees, in 1599 the merchants and the Lord Mayor collectively forbid refugees to exercise their crafts in London without company sanction and ordered them to join the companies or face imprisonment if they continued production. In retaliation, the alien community petitioned the Queen for an order banning this treatment. The Queen responded and the order was revoked in April of 1599 (81–82).
Aliens were also required to make their presence known to the government
upon arriving in England, in addition to adhering to the laws regarding
London’s guilds and companies. Refugees or the municipal authorities of
an area would write to the royal government, soliciting for a license in
the form of a letters patent (28). Upon receipt of a licence, a refugee would become part
of the community known as
alien friends,and would
enjoy limited privileges within the country(Chitty 132). Although alien friends were forbidden by law to own any form of property, they
were often permitted in practice to buy or lease dwellings for [their] own use(132).
Aliens could transcend the status of
alien friendby becoming either denizens or naturalized Englishmen (Norwood 35). To become a denizen, an alien had to apply for a letter of denization. Unlike alien friends, denizens were allowed rights to residence but were still forbidden to inherit land (35). Both denizens and aliens were subject to a poll-tax from which natives were exempt. In special circumstances, an alien could obtain rights equal to those of a native Englishman through an Act of Naturalization. An Act of Naturalization required an Act of Parliament. Many immigrants did not petition for any form of status, because they hoped their stay in England would be temporary (35–36).
Violence against Aliens
Violence against the alien community originated mainly with indigenous
artisans and London’s guilds. Native artisans blamed aliens for many
social miseries and for depriving them of business. Evil May Day
(dramatized in Sir Thomas More) is the earliest instance of native artisans attacking London’s
alien community. In 1514, local artisans petitioned against the
government’s decision to allow alien journeymen
the freedomto practice in England (Unwin 248).
Anyone wishing to run his own business had to first become free of the city, by apprenticeship, inheritance, purchase or (occasionally) by gift of the corporation(Palliser 87). A handbill was then produced in 1516 that accused the King and Council of ruining England by favouring aliens. Finally, in 1517, a particularly vehement sermon against the Dutch community was presented at the Spital Sermons that were preached in Easter week before the mayor and alderman. In response to this speech, a mob hanged a dozen alien apprentices in their doorways and plundered the shops of alien merchants (Unwin 248).
The London guilds’ prejudice towards aliens continued throughout the
sixteenth century, although this kind of widespread violence against
aliens was not witnessed again. Companies such as the Feltmakers and the
Weavers continually petitioned for restrictions against alien artisans.
In 1580, the printers urged the Stationers’ Company not to employ
foreigners. The Stationers replied that if they did not employ aliens,
their customers would proceed to purchase paper and
give out their printing direct to the strangers(254–55). A group of apprentices organized an attack on aliens after Parliament voted against their petition for restricting aliens, but their actions were quickly subdued (Unwin 255).
Another act of discrimination occurred in 1593 following Parliament’s
rejection of a bill against the refugees. In the early months of 1593 a
number of tracts threatening the alien population with violence were
published in close succession. One of these tracts was pinned to the
wall of the churchyard in the Dutch Church, warning the alien community
to leave by July or apprentices would rise up against them and commit
violence upon
the Flemish and strangers(Pettegree 292).
The Dutch Church
On 24 July 1550, the Church of the dissolved Monastery of the Augustine Friars was given to the Dutch
Protestant community. Along with the use of the church, Edward VI granted London’s Dutch and Flemish
refugees the right to freedom of worship. The church was given the
special title of corpus corporatum et
politicum (corporate and political body). It was governed by
four ministers—two Dutch and two French—and a superintendent, the first
being John à Lasco who originally petitioned for the use of the church.
The church was intended for use by both the Dutch and the French
refugees. As attendance increased due to the number of aliens
immigrating to London, the French congregation eventually moved to Threadneedle Street. In good faith, the
larger Dutch congregation agreed to pay half of the rent for the French
church (Norwood 8).
The Church of Austin Friars was subject to
the policies of the different monarchs who ruled England in the
sixteenth century. Under Edward VI, the
Protestant refugees enjoyed many rights and freedoms. At beginning of
Mary’s reign in 1553,
many refugees fled back to the Low Countries to avoid further religious
persecution. After Elizabeth
ascended the throne in 1558, most returned to England but were not
granted all the rights they had previously possessed (11). The church was no longer considered to
be a corpus corporatum et politicum and
the Church of Austin Friars was not
restored to them until 1559 (35). In 1574, to appease the Spanish Monarchy and give the
impression that England was not harbouring Dutch and Flemish refugees,
Elizabeth forbade the church from receiving new members (Cunningham 154). New arrivals
were sent to the surrounding towns and areas, where they would be less
likely to be noticed by the Spanish ambassador.
The Dutch church became a locus
for the community, offering relief for the poor in the form of clothing,
money, bread, mattresses, and shoes (Norwood 62–63). As a place
where the Dutch community converged, the Church of Austin Friars became a target of the
prejudice and violence against aliens when a threatening tract was
pinned upon its wall.
The Shoemaker’s Holiday
The Shoemaker’s Holiday exposes social tensions between alien and native artisans in
sixteenth-century London by satirizing the play’s Dutch character and
using language that alludes to actual industrial and economic conditions
in England. The play was staged on 1 January 1599/1600, following more
than a decade of social discord and strife (Seaver 87). Given the period, Thomas Dekker would have been well aware of
the rampant xenophobia amongst the native artisans. The Dutch shoemaker
Hans, who is actually the
disguised gentleman Lacey, is comically degraded in the play through his
connection with the grotesque. Dekker chooses to employ
[r]epresentations of uncontrolled bodies [...] as a means of reinforcing the low status of the socially powerless and those who threatened conservative social hierarchies(Arab 183). Even though the same acts of eating and drinking that deride Hans work simultaneously to unify the shoemakers’ community, characters’ speeches elsewhere refer to divisions in the artisan community. The play’s language also gestures to real economic problems and conditions faced by the artisan community, revealing that Dekker’s Holiday fails to completely elide the social discord surrounding aliens in early modern London.
The Shoemaker’s Holiday degrades Hans and the Dutch community by
associating them with excessive drinking, sexual deficiency, and food.
The song Hans sings when he
first appears aligns him with the stereotypical image of the drunken
Dutchman (Hoenselaars 230). He
sings,
(Der was een bore van Gelderland,Frolick si byen;He was als dronck he could niet stand,Upsee al sie byen.Tap eens de canneken;Drincke, schoene mannekin[4.40–45])
The subject, a man from Gelderland (a Dutch province), is connected with
alcoholism, impotence (
could niet stand[4.42]), and castration through the diminutive epithet mannekin (4.45). However, Dekker is, in some ways, quite generous in his depiction of Hans, as he does not go so far as to map the character of the incontinent Dutchman onto him, sparing him further humiliation and degradation (Hoenselaars 228).
Dekker reinforces Hans’s association with the
grotesque through Firk, who is
the most verbal embodiment of a conflicted attitude towards immigrant workers(Bevington, Introduction 485). Firk pairs Hans’s ethnicity with the consumption of alcohol, exclaiming at this speech,
‘Nails, if I should speak after him without drinking, I should choke(4.77–78). Margery, Firk, and Oatley all call Hans a
butter-box,a common slang term for Dutch or Flemish people (4.55; 7.146; 13.54; 16.42). Dekker chooses to depict the Dutch as sites of monstrous and unlimited consumption. In another comment, Firk asserts,
[t]hey may well be called butter-boxes when they drink fat veal, and thick beer too(7.145–147): the Dutch are so ravenous they even
drinksolid food. Firk’s derogatory remarks, which link Hans and food, align themselves with the plays’ overall perspective on food.
The Shoemaker’s Holiday generally encodes
consumption and connections with food as negative through the way
comments and insults are deployed in relation to characters other than
Hans. Lincoln tells
Oatley that his nephew Lacey grossly over-spent while he was abroad, and
thus
consumed his credit(9.42). In much the same way food is used to insult the Dutchman Hans, Eyre alternately uses Dutch food references to insult Margery. Eyre debases Margery by calling her a
brown-bread tanniken,which is a kind of coarse Dutch bread (7.66).
The Shoemaker’s Holiday attempts to nullify
social anxieties
in a reassuring vision of coherence and community(Kastan 325), but still preserves external and internal divisions in the shoemakers’ group. In the shop, Firk creates a hierarchy that valorizes the work of the shoemakers over others, stating
[l]et us pray for good leather, and let clowns and plowboys and those that work in fields pray for brave days(4.25–27), emphasizing the boundaries of the community. Hodge and Firk threaten to leave Eyre’s shop for refusing to hire their
brothershoemaker (16.98) – a completely a-historical depiction of the relationship between native and alien journeymen that projects an image of artisan solidarity – but Hodge welcomes Hans with a warning that alludes to the violence against aliens that blossomed during the 1590s:
Hans, thou’rt welcome. Use thyself friendly, for we are good fellows; if not, thou shalt be fought with, wert thou bigger than a giant(4.107–09). Firk also regards Hans as a possible threat in the context of drinking, but then moves to assert his and Hodge’s seniority:
he’ll give a villainous pull at a can of double beer, but Hodge and I have the vantage; we must drink first, because we are the eldest journeymen(4.97–100). Hans is ushered into the shop through theexchange of alcohol – he buys a round of beers for the shoemakers – just as Ralph is given a drink when he returns from France, but Hans is immediately placed in the lowest position in the shop hierarchy.
The Shoemaker’s Holiday uses humour and satire
both to deflate conflicts between alien and native artisans and to mask
the actual contributions aliens made to English crafts. When Hans appears, Hodge remarks
that Eyre
shall be glad of men, an he can catch them(4.57–58). As a master, Eyre would be very concerned with maintaining the company’s influence and
catchingaliens by assimilating them into the guild. Firk’s desire to
learn some gibble-gabble(4.50) that will make them
work the faster(4.51) imagines Hans as a source of entertainment rather than as a competitor. Firk’s insistence that Eyre hire Hans
to teach us to laugh(4.125) overrides Hodge’s judgement of Hans as
a fine workman(4.60–61), but Eyre’s products and shop would benefit from any foreign knowledge or skills that Hans might possess. Hans is then hired and buys a round of beer for his fellow artisans, to which Firk exclaims,
[t]his beer came hopping in well(4.125). That Hans and the beer – both sources of pleasure in the shop – appear simultaneously also reminds us that Flemish immigrants started the brewing of beer with hops in England. Language in The Shoemaker’s Holiday thus alludes to the spectre of threatening alien craft expertise only to negate it through the use of deflation, deflection, and humorous epithets for Hans.
The Shoemaker’s Holiday likely appealed to the
working class, native artisans of London through its comic treatment of
alien characters and its devaluation of alien craft innovations. The
grotesque representation of the Dutch shoemaker, Hans, and his association with
over-consumption of both food and drink, cast him in a derogatory light.
Dekker presented his audience with a play that allowed them to assuage
their fears in regards to the alien population and view this populace as
both humorous and harmless.
Notes
- Low
Countries: A term used to describe the loosely-defined area that is
now comprised of Belgium, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands (Oxford American
Dictionary
Low Countries
n. pl.).↑ - Alien: A term used in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries for individuals who migrated to London, and England, from the European continent (OED alien, n.3.a.).↑
- New Draperies: Lighter-weight
clothes that were introduced to England in the 16th century by
craftsmen from France and the Low Countries (Oxford Dictionary of Local
and Family History
New Draperies
).↑ - Company was used to describe an organization that gathered together artisans in order to regulate wages and ensure quality products within a specific trade. This term was commonly used during the reign of Elizabeth I. The label of guild was commonly used sometime before the Reformation (Palliser 89).↑
- New Draperies: Lighter-weight clothes that were
introduced to England in the sixteenth century by craftsmen from
France and the Low Countries (Oxford Dictionary of Local and Family History
New Draperies
).↑ - Says were
a cloth of fine texture resembling serge; in the 16th c. sometimes partly of silk, subsequently entirely of wool
( OED say, n.1.a.).↑ - Bays were a
material made of coarse wool of a
finer lighter texture than
what we would now consider a baize (OED bay, n.7.).↑ - Sayette, serge, rash, and carrel were all various fabrics usually worn by the poorer classes in the sixteenth century.↑
- In an unrelated event, a curfew of 8:00 p.m. was passed on aliens in London due to complaints about drunkards wandering about the streets late at night.↑
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<bibl type="mla"><author><name ref="#NORR1"><surname>Norris</surname>, <forename>Beth</forename></name></author>. <title level="a">London Aliens</title>. <title level="m">The Map of Early Modern London</title>, edited by <editor><name ref="#JENS1"><forename>Janelle</forename> <surname>Jenstad</surname></name></editor>, <publisher>U of Victoria</publisher>, <date when="2018-06-20">20 Jun. 2018</date>, <ref target="http://mapoflondon.uvic.ca/ALIE1.htm">mapoflondon.uvic.ca/ALIE1.htm</ref>.</bibl>Personography
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Melanie Chernyk
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Research assistant, 2004–08; BA honours, 2006; MA English, University of Victoria, 2007. Ms. Chernyk went on to work at the Electronic Textual Cultures Lab at the University of Victoria and now manages Talisman Books and Gallery on Pender Island, BC. She also has her own editing business at http://26letters.ca.Roles played in the project
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Janelle Jenstad
JJ
Janelle Jenstad, associate professor in the department of English at the University of Victoria, is the general editor and coordinator of The Map of Early Modern London. She is also the assistant coordinating editor of Internet Shakespeare Editions. She has taught at Queen’s University, the Summer Academy at the Stratford Festival, the University of Windsor, and the University of Victoria. Her articles have appeared in the Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies, Early Modern Literary Studies, Elizabethan Theatre, Shakespeare Bulletin: A Journal of Performance Criticism, and The Silver Society Journal. Her book chapters have appeared (or will appear) in Performing Maternity in Early Modern England (Ashgate, 2007), Approaches to Teaching Othello (Modern Language Association, 2005), Shakespeare, Language and the Stage, The Fifth Wall: Approaches to Shakespeare from Criticism, Performance and Theatre Studies (Arden/Thomson Learning, 2005), Institutional Culture in Early Modern Society (Brill, 2004), New Directions in the Geohumanities: Art, Text, and History at the Edge of Place (Routledge, 2011), and Teaching Early Modern English Literature from the Archives (MLA, forthcoming). She is currently working on an edition of The Merchant of Venice for ISE and Broadview P. She lectures regularly on London studies, digital humanities, and on Shakespeare in performance.Roles played in the project
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Janelle Jenstad is a member of the following organizations and/or groups:
Janelle Jenstad is mentioned in the following documents:
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Tye Landels-Gruenewald
TLG
Research assistant, 2013-15, and data manager, 2015 to present. Tye completed his undergraduate honours degree in English at the University of Victoria in 2015.Roles played in the project
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Contributions by this author
Tye Landels-Gruenewald is a member of the following organizations and/or groups:
Tye Landels-Gruenewald is mentioned in the following documents:
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Kim McLean-Fiander
KMF
Director of Pedagogy and Outreach, 2015–present; Associate Project Director, 2015–present; Assistant Project Director, 2013-2014; MoEML Research Fellow, 2013. Kim McLean-Fiander comes to The Map of Early Modern London from the Cultures of Knowledge digital humanities project at the University of Oxford, where she was the editor of Early Modern Letters Online, an open-access union catalogue and editorial interface for correspondence from the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries. She is currently Co-Director of a sister project to EMLO called Women’s Early Modern Letters Online (WEMLO). In the past, she held an internship with the curator of manuscripts at the Folger Shakespeare Library, completed a doctorate at Oxford on paratext and early modern women writers, and worked a number of years for the Bodleian Libraries and as a freelance editor. She has a passion for rare books and manuscripts as social and material artifacts, and is interested in the development of digital resources that will improve access to these materials while ensuring their ongoing preservation and conservation. An avid traveler, Kim has always loved both London and maps, and so is particularly delighted to be able to bring her early modern scholarly expertise to bear on the MoEML project.Roles played in the project
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Associate Project Director
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Kim McLean-Fiander is a member of the following organizations and/or groups:
Kim McLean-Fiander is mentioned in the following documents:
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Beth Norris
BN
BA English (U of Victoria). Beth was a student in English 364 (English Renaissance Drama) in Spring 2006.Roles played in the project
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Author
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Joey Takeda
JT
Programmer, 2018-present; Junior Programmer, 2015 to 2017; Research Assistant, 2014 to 2017. Joey Takeda is an MA student at the University of British Columbia in the Department of English (Science and Technology research stream). He completed his BA honours in English (with a minor in Women’s Studies) at the University of Victoria in 2016. His primary research interests include diasporic and indigenous Canadian and American literature, critical theory, cultural studies, and the digital humanities.Roles played in the project
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Joey Takeda is mentioned in the following documents:
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Martin D. Holmes
MDH
Programmer at the University of Victoria Humanities Computing and Media Centre (HCMC). Martin ported the MOL project from its original PHP incarnation to a pure eXist database implementation in the fall of 2011. Since then, he has been lead programmer on the project and has also been responsible for maintaining the project schemas. He was a co-applicant on MoEML’s 2012 SSHRC Insight Grant.Roles played in the project
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Martin D. Holmes is a member of the following organizations and/or groups:
Martin D. Holmes is mentioned in the following documents:
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Thomas Dekker is mentioned in the following documents:
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Edward VI is mentioned in the following documents:
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Elizabeth I
Elizabeth Tudor I Queen of England and Ireland
(b. 7 September 1533, d. 24 March 1603)Queen of England and Ireland.Elizabeth I is mentioned in the following documents:
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Hans Lacey
Dramatic character in The Shoemaker’s Holiday.Hans Lacey is mentioned in the following documents:
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Mary I is mentioned in the following documents:
Locations
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Austin Friars
Austin Friars was a church on the west side of Broad Street in Broad Street Ward. It was formerly part of the Priory of Augustine Friars, established in 1253. At the dissolution of the monastery in 1539,the West end [of the church] thereof inclosed from the steeple, and Quier, was in the yeare 1550. graunted to the Dutch Nation in London [by Edward VI], to be their preaching place
(Stow). TheQuier and side Isles to the Quier adioyning, he reserued to housholde vses, as for stowage of corne, coale, and other things
(Stow). The church, completely rebuilt in the nineteenth century and then again mid-way through the twentieth century, still belongs to Dutch Protestants to this day.Austin Friars is mentioned in the following documents:
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Westminster Palace is mentioned in the following documents:
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Southwark is mentioned in the following documents:
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Candlewick Street
Candlewick, or Candlewright Street as it was sometimes called, ran east-west from Walbrook in the west to the beginning of Eastcheap at its eastern terminus. Candlewick became Eastcheap somewhere around St. Clements Lane, and led into a great meat market (Stow 1:217). Together with streets such as Budge Row, Watling Street, and Tower Street, which all joined into each other, Candlewick formed the main east-west road through London between Ludgate and Posterngate.Candlewick Street is mentioned in the following documents:
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Lombard Street
Lombard Street runs east to west from Gracechurch Street to Poultry. The Agas map labels itLombard streat.
Lombard Street limns the south end of Langbourn Ward, but borders three other wards: Walbrook Ward to the south east, Bridge Within Ward to the south west, and Candlewick Street Ward to the south.Lombard Street is mentioned in the following documents:
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Bishopsgate is mentioned in the following documents:
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Bermondsey is mentioned in the following documents:
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Blackfriars Precinct is mentioned in the following documents:
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St. Katherine Coleman
St. Katherine Coleman was also called St. Katherine and All Saints and All Hallows Coleman Church (Harben). The church can be found on the Agas map, west of Northumberland House. It is labelled S. Katerin colmans.St. Katherine Coleman is mentioned in the following documents:
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London Wall (street)
London Wall was a long street running along the inside of the northern part of the City Wall. It ran east-west from the north end of Broad Street to Cripplegate (Prockter and Taylor 43). The modern London Wall street is a major traffic thoroughfare now. It follows roughly the route of the former wall, from Old Broad Street to the Museum of London (whose address is 150 London Wall).London Wall (street) is mentioned in the following documents:
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Threadneedle Street
Threadneedle Street ran east-west from Bishopsgate Street to Cornhill and the Stocks Market. It passed the north end of the Royal Exchange and was entirely in Broad Street Ward. Threadneedle Street, also called Three Needle Street, is clearly visible on the Agas map. It was apparently very well known for its taverns.Threadneedle Street is mentioned in the following documents:
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Bread Street
Bread Street ran north-south from the Standard in Cheapside to Knightrider Street, crossing Watling Street. It lay wholly in the ward of Bread Street, to which it gave its name.Bread Street is mentioned in the following documents:
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Royal Exchange is mentioned in the following documents: