London’s Early Modern Tourists
London’s Early Modern Tourists
Samuel Rowlands’s poem
A straunge ſighted Trauellerand the broadside ballad entitled
The Great Boobeedescribe the unpleasant experience early modern London often inflicted on the unwary country tourist. Both texts present a traveller enthralled by the magnificence of the city’s urbs, but oblivious to the dangers London’s complex communitas could pose. In addition to the spectacle London provided, the city’s economic growth enticed newcomers with the possibility of financial success. However, investments were often a dubious adventure for inexperienced country gallants, who were easily duped by unscrupulous business partners. In both works, the references to familiar tourist destinations of London presume an audience aware of London’s physical and social layout, especially as they contain a subculture of criminal con-artists, or conny-catchers. Rowlands’s poem acts as a warning against and condemnation of London’s street crime, while the anonymously authored
The Great Boobeeresonates with the tourist-speaker’s retrospective self-critique and self-satire ending on an optimistic note. Ultimately, the tension in tone between the two works reflects the variable experience of London’s new arrivals, who were soon to be either uncharitably initiated into or expelled from London.
Both texts were printed with London’s consumers of popular literature in mind.
Rowlands was a pamphleteer
working in London between 1600 and 1630. In 1608, the short poem,
A straunge ſighted Traueller,appeared in Humors looking glass, which was printed by Edward Allde for the book seller William Ferebrand. The titles of the other poems in this book, such as
Of one that couſned a Cut-purſeand
A drunken fray,indicate that Rowlands often took criminals and unruly denizens as his subject matter.
The Great Boobee(Wing G1664) is a broadside ballad, printed on one side of an unfolded sheet of paper.1 Like most broadside ballads, the sheet is undated. The colophon states that it was
Printed for F. Coles, in VVine- ſtreet, on Saffron-hill, near Hatton-Garden.Donald Wing suggests a printing date of 1663, which is reasonable given the material evidence, although the ballad may have been in circulation some years earlier. 2
The central event of both texts is the tricking and subsequent robbery of an
unsuspecting, sight-seeing traveller from the country. The refrain and title of
The Great Boobeeis a pejorative appellation, which the ballad’s speaker alternately receives from others and applies to himself. Sailors attach the term boobee (a derivation of the Spanish bobo meaning fool) to a species of sea bird, which is easily caught after it lands on the deck of a ship (OED boobee, n.2.). The title is an apt metaphor for the speaker of the poem, who is befriended and then robbed by a female cut-purse purporting to be the speaker’s cousin. Rowlands describes his subject as
AN honeſt Country foole being gentle bred(1). Rowlands’s less pejorative description indicates a certain sympathy for London’s victims, a sentiment absent from
The Great Boobee.Like the Great Boobee, Rowlands’s traveller is befriended and toured around the city before finally being robbed, an event precipitating his decision to leave London (17–20).
The element of London’s communitas responsible for the
inhospitable reception of rustic newcomers is described by the poet-pamphleteer,
Robert Greene. In his five
pamphlets on the subject, he reveals the tricks of the con-artists’ trade in a
series of pamphlets on Conny-catching. 3 Published in 1591, The Second Part of Conny-catching explains how those who steal
purses frequent the tourist locales mentioned in
The Great Boobeeand Rowlands’s poem, looking for the kinds of naive newcomers described in the ballad and poem. These thieves make
their cheife walks...Paules, theWeſtminſter, Exchange, Plaies, [and the] Beare garden,where crowds hide them as they stalk the tourists (103). Greene explains how when the nip (purse cutter) and foist (purse stealer)
spie a Farmer or Marchant, whome they ſuſpect to be well monied, they followe him hardlooking for an opportunity to run into him and take his money in the confusion (103). Anticipating the circumstances of the robbery in
The Great Boobee,Greene warns that
the woman Foiſt is the moſt daungerous, for commonlie there is ſome olde hand, or mout[h] fair ſtrumpet, who inueigleth either ſome ignorant man or ſome youth to folly: ſhe hath ſtraight...foiſts him of all that hee hath(108). In Greene’s descriptions, country visitors are robbed either by clandestine theft or by trickery. These techniques rely on both the gullibility of the victims and the crowded areas the thieves operate in. The speaker in
The Great Boobeeis robbed in a crowded vintner’s shop in Smithfield. Here, the Foist is able to disappear into the crowd and the traveler is left with a bill he cannot pay. In this scenario, the thief benefits from her knowledge of the urbs, the alleys between streets and buildings, and her sense of the communitas—that is the likelihood of being caught. The tourist becomes a fool due to his lack of knowledge regarding both urbs and communitas of London.
Greene, the author of
The Great Boobee,and Rowlands all capitalize on the reading public’s desire to take pleasure in their special knowledge of the city. This knowledge provides a sense of belonging that contrasts with the superficiality of a tourist’s interest in London’s great landmarks. As evidenced by the two poems’ focus on London’s famous sites, both tourists are able to experience the urbs, but leave themselves open to the threats of the city’s communitas. Gaping in wonder at the spectacle of the city below him, the Great Boobee forgets he is in public and begins to cry (2.46–48). His counterpart in Rowlands’s poem is likewise distracted by the sights in the time leading up to his robbery. It is the height of Saint Paul’s (2.46); the monstrousness of the whale bones at Whitehall (Rowlands 12); and the lifelike portraits of the kings at the Royal Exchange (2.43–45) that capture their attention. Meanwhile, they miss the threatening social dynamics to which a more experienced Londoner would, perhaps, remain alert. A seasoned Londoner would likely find it gratifying to contrast his knowledge of the city with that of the two travellers. Rowlands’s traveler and the Great Boobee function to consolidate the Londoner’s sense of superiority vis-à-vis the new arrivals to the city.
The most striking difference between the content of the two texts is the tone of
their respective endings: one is a celebration, the other a condemnation of
London. The two poems represent alternate possible outcomes available to
London’s new arrivals. Rowlands’s stranger leaves London convinced that he has
encountered the devil (19–20), while
the Great Boobee imagines transcending the stigma of his past naiveté by
becoming an actor brave enough to play before the Bears (2.75–80). After what is likely a brusque and
disagreeable initiation, new arrivals must decide whether to chart a new course
in the frequently unforgiving urban landscape or return to their provincial
point of origin. Thomas Dekker’s
Gull’s Hornbook is a collection of sardonic
encouragement and admonition for young country gallants attempting to make
London their home. Dekker’s newcomers
resemble those figured in Rowlands’s
poem and
The Great Boobee: their fathers are
old worm-eaten farmer[s]who have died and left
five hundred a yearto their sons. Dekker invites those who
would strive to fashionto
whiff down these observations. For if he once get but to walk by the book (and I see no reason but he may, as well as fight by the book) Paul’s may be proud of him(88). The Great Boobee admires the gallants he meets recalling,
they were very gay(2.12). Ultimately, he comes to believe that if he can get a licence, he will, like the gallants, make a life in London. This is a more optimistic endnote than Rowlands allows for his poem, which concludes with his traveler’s exodus and his claim that London contains visions of the devil. The demonic vision constitutes a moral judgement directed against the criminal opportunism of London’s communitas.
The beginnings of the two poems provide hints regarding the decision each
traveller ultimately makes to either stay, or return to the country. The reason
for the Great Boobee’s and Rowlands’s
traveller’s decision to journey to London likely lies in the collective
attention focused on the city as a centre of commerce and prestige. The Great
Boobee comes from a wealthy estate (1.5–8). After
being unsuccessful at school, he tries farming, but is declared incompetent so
he travels to London (1.13–25) for
ſome Vaſhions for to ſee(1.30). The draw toward London is its novelty. This motivation is echoed by William Fennor’s characterization of
young gallants, that never [. . . give] over plodding with himself how he might get into the books of some goldsmith, haberdasher, silkman, woollen- or linen-draper(443). Throughout the early modern period, London experienced rapid growth owing primarily to its important position in world trade (Sheppard 125). The lure of highly valued objects—great edifices, or finely crafted goods—attract both businessmen and recently un-landed gentlemen to the city. Fennor goes on to explain how an aspiring country gallant, dazzled by the possibility of financial success and prestige of participating in the great commerce of London, finds himself penniless after the city’s criminals are through with him (444). The draw of London—as a city frequented by kings and port to ships from around the world—for marginally educated youths must have been enormous. Like the Great Boobee, Rowlands’s
Country fooleis
by an odde conceited humor led, / To trauell and ſome Engliſh faſhions ſee(3). This
odde conceited humoris legible as the simple mimetic curiosity inspired by large concentrations of people. The prestige of participating in London despite humble origins—and perhaps leaving a mark in a great city—is summed up by Dekker’s mocking advice that country gallants ascending the tower of Saint Paul’s should carve their name somewhere in the monument,
or for want of a name [and literacy], the mark which you clap on your sheep(91).
Both
The Great Boobeeand
A straunge ſighted Trauelleracknowledge the draw London’s urbs had upon curious country people, but also the challenges that the criminal element of the city presented to a newcomer’s successful integration into the communitas. Both poems dramatize the threat of conny-catching that contemporary pamphleteers address. The publication of such pamphlets and poems indicates a London audience eager to know about their own city’s criminal underworld.
The Great Boobeeand Rowlands’s poem also touch on the powerful draw London had for young country people with enough freedom to indulge their curiosity regarding the land’s greatest city and its landmarks. However, the curiosity terminates in an ultimatum: either weather the assaults of the urban communitas, or give up and go home. The optimism of the Great Boobee leans toward the first possibility. Alternately, the straunge ſighted Traueller’s flight from the city combined with his bitter denunciation of London as demonic indicts the civitas’s often inhospitable reception of inexperienced newcomers. Taken together, the two works illuminate the anxiety new arrivals to London experienced and the stereotypes established Londoners assigned them.
Notes
- Broadside ballads were a form of popular literature read and sung in the public spaces of early modern London (Hehmeyer). (BB)↑
- A Francis Coles had a shop in the Old Bailey at the sign of the Half Bowl (at the sign of the Lamb from 1663 on); material evidence derived from book title pages, ballads, and colophons listing F. Coles suggests that this Francis Coles belonged to a consortium of ballad printers that included Thomas Vere, John Wright, John Clark, and others. The Francis Coles at the Vine Street (Wine Street) address was likely a different man, perhaps a son, selling from this shop in the 1660s and 1670s and perhaps earlier. The BBTI record suggests that the Francis Coles of the Old Bailey and the Francis Coles of Vine/Wine Street were the same man. The Vine/Wine address appears in an undated parodic broadside ballad rendering of Charles I’s January 1648 scaffold speech (Wing M475bA), other undated ballads (STC 16862; Wing D1566C, J804B, H3011, P2041, P3372, R32A, T1779, W164A), and titles from 1668 (Wing K733) and 1678 (Wing S3448A). (JJ)↑
- A
conny
isa dupe, a gull, the victim of a ’conny-catcher’
(OED conny, n.10.). Aconny
is also a rabbit (OED conny, n.2.a.). Thus, the termconny-catcher
invokes the metaphor of predator and prey, which is apt for the relationship between a thief and his mark. (BB) (BB)↑
References
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Citation
Dekker, Thomas. The Gull’s Horn-Book: Or, Fashions to Please All Sorts of Gulls. Thomas Dekker: The Wonderful Year, The Gull’s Horn-Book, Penny-Wise, Pound-Foolish, English Villainies Discovered by Lantern and Candelight, and Selected Writings. Ed. E.D. Pendry. London: Edward Arnold, 1967. 64–109. The Stratford-upon-Avon Library 4.This item is cited in the following documents:
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Citation
Fennor, William. The Counter’s Commonwealth. 1617. The Elizabethan Underworld. Ed. A.V. Judges. 1930. Reprint. New York: Octagon, 1965. 423–87.This item is cited in the following documents:
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Citation
Greene, Robert. The Second Part of Cony-Catching. 1591. The Elizabethan Underworld. Ed. A.V. Judges. 1930. Reprint. New York: Octagon, 1965. 149–78.This item is cited in the following documents:
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Citation
Hehmeyer, Paxton.The Social Function of the Broadside Ballad; or, a New Medley of Readers.
English Broadside Ballad Archive. Open.This item is cited in the following documents:
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Oxford English Dictionary. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2012. Subscription. OED.This item is cited in the following documents:
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Sheppard, Francis. London: A History. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1998.This item is cited in the following documents:
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Citation
STC. Abbreviation for A Short-Title Catalogue of Books Printed in England, Scotland, and Ireland and of English books Printed Abroad, 1475–1640. Compiled. by A.W. Pollard and G.R. Redgrave. 2nd. ed. rev. and enl. 3 vols. Begun by W.A. Jackson and F.S. Ferguson; completed by Katharine F. Pantzer. London: Bibliographical Society, 1976–1991.This item is cited in the following documents:
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Citation
Wing, Donald. Short Title Catalogue of Books Printed in England, Scotland, Ireland, Wales, and British America and of English Books Printed in Other Countries, 1641–1700. 3 vols. New York: Columbia UP, 1945–51.This item is cited in the following documents:
Cite this page
MLA citation
London’s Early Modern Tourists.The Map of Early Modern London, edited by , U of Victoria, 20 Jun. 2018, mapoflondon.uvic.ca/TOUR1.htm.
Chicago citation
London’s Early Modern Tourists.The Map of Early Modern London. Ed. . Victoria: University of Victoria. Accessed June 20, 2018. http://mapoflondon.uvic.ca/TOUR1.htm.
APA citation
The Map of Early Modern London. Victoria: University of Victoria. Retrieved from http://mapoflondon.uvic.ca/TOUR1.htm.
2018. London’s Early Modern Tourists. In (Ed), RIS file (for RefMan, EndNote etc.)
Provider: University of Victoria Database: The Map of Early Modern London Content: text/plain; charset="utf-8" TY - ELEC A1 - Barber, Benjamin ED - Jenstad, Janelle T1 - London’s Early Modern Tourists T2 - The Map of Early Modern London PY - 2018 DA - 2018/06/20 CY - Victoria PB - University of Victoria LA - English UR - http://mapoflondon.uvic.ca/TOUR1.htm UR - http://mapoflondon.uvic.ca/xml/standalone/TOUR1.xml ER -
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RT Web Page SR Electronic(1) A1 Barber, Benjamin A6 Jenstad, Janelle T1 London’s Early Modern Tourists T2 The Map of Early Modern London WP 2018 FD 2018/06/20 RD 2018/06/20 PP Victoria PB University of Victoria LA English OL English LK http://mapoflondon.uvic.ca/TOUR1.htm
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<bibl type="mla"><author><name ref="#BARB4"><surname>Barber</surname>, <forename>Benjamin</forename></name></author>. <title level="a">London’s Early Modern Tourists</title>. <title level="m">The Map of Early Modern London</title>, edited by <editor><name ref="#JENS1"><forename>Janelle</forename> <surname>Jenstad</surname></name></editor>, <publisher>U of Victoria</publisher>, <date when="2018-06-20">20 Jun. 2018</date>, <ref target="http://mapoflondon.uvic.ca/TOUR1.htm">mapoflondon.uvic.ca/TOUR1.htm</ref>.</bibl>Personography
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Benjamin Barber
BB
Benjamin Barber is a PhD student at the University of Ottawa. His recently completed MA research at the University of Victoria analyzed the role of mimetic desire, honour, and violence in Heywood’s Edward IV Parts 1 and 2 and Shakespeare’s The Winter’s Tale. Barber(U+2019)s current research explores the influence of Shakespearian protagonists on Lord Byron’s characterization of Childe Harold and Don Juan. He has articles forthcoming in Literature and Theology (Oxford UP) and Contagion: Journal of Violence Mimesis and Culture (Michigan State UP). He has also contributed an article to Anthropoetics: The Journal of Generative Anthropology (UCLA).Roles played in the project
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Janelle Jenstad
JJ
Janelle Jenstad, associate professor in the department of English at the University of Victoria, is the general editor and coordinator of The Map of Early Modern London. She is also the assistant coordinating editor of Internet Shakespeare Editions. She has taught at Queen’s University, the Summer Academy at the Stratford Festival, the University of Windsor, and the University of Victoria. Her articles have appeared in the Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies, Early Modern Literary Studies, Elizabethan Theatre, Shakespeare Bulletin: A Journal of Performance Criticism, and The Silver Society Journal. Her book chapters have appeared (or will appear) in Performing Maternity in Early Modern England (Ashgate, 2007), Approaches to Teaching Othello (Modern Language Association, 2005), Shakespeare, Language and the Stage, The Fifth Wall: Approaches to Shakespeare from Criticism, Performance and Theatre Studies (Arden/Thomson Learning, 2005), Institutional Culture in Early Modern Society (Brill, 2004), New Directions in the Geohumanities: Art, Text, and History at the Edge of Place (Routledge, 2011), and Teaching Early Modern English Literature from the Archives (MLA, forthcoming). She is currently working on an edition of The Merchant of Venice for ISE and Broadview P. She lectures regularly on London studies, digital humanities, and on Shakespeare in performance.Roles played in the project
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Director of Pedagogy and Outreach, 2015–present; Associate Project Director, 2015–present; Assistant Project Director, 2013-2014; MoEML Research Fellow, 2013. Kim McLean-Fiander comes to The Map of Early Modern London from the Cultures of Knowledge digital humanities project at the University of Oxford, where she was the editor of Early Modern Letters Online, an open-access union catalogue and editorial interface for correspondence from the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries. She is currently Co-Director of a sister project to EMLO called Women’s Early Modern Letters Online (WEMLO). In the past, she held an internship with the curator of manuscripts at the Folger Shakespeare Library, completed a doctorate at Oxford on paratext and early modern women writers, and worked a number of years for the Bodleian Libraries and as a freelance editor. She has a passion for rare books and manuscripts as social and material artifacts, and is interested in the development of digital resources that will improve access to these materials while ensuring their ongoing preservation and conservation. An avid traveler, Kim has always loved both London and maps, and so is particularly delighted to be able to bring her early modern scholarly expertise to bear on the MoEML project.Roles played in the project
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Charles I
Charles Stuart I King of England, Scotland, and Ireland
(b. 1600, d. 1649)King of England, Scotland, and Ireland.Charles I is mentioned in the following documents:
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Francis Coles is mentioned in the following documents:
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Thomas Dekker is mentioned in the following documents:
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Robert Greene is mentioned in the following documents:
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Samuel Rowlands is mentioned in the following documents:
Locations
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Wine Street is mentioned in the following documents:
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Saffron Hill is mentioned in the following documents:
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Hatton Garden is mentioned in the following documents:
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Old Bailey is mentioned in the following documents:
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St. Paul’s Cathedral
St. Paul’s Cathedral was—and remains—an important church in London. In 962, while London was occupied by the Danes, St. Paul’s monastery was burnt and raised anew. The church survived the Norman conquest of 1066, but in 1087 it was burnt again. An ambitious Bishop named Maurice took the opportunity to build a new St. Paul’s, even petitioning the king to offer a piece of land belonging to one of his castles (Times 115). The building Maurice initiated would become the cathedral of St. Paul’s which survived until the Great Fire of 1666.St. Paul’s Cathedral is mentioned in the following documents:
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Westminster is mentioned in the following documents:
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Royal Exchange is mentioned in the following documents:
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Bear Garden
The Bear Garden was never a garden, but rather a polygonal bearbaiting arena whose exact locations across time are not known (Mackinder and Blatherwick 18). Labelled on the Agas map asThe Bearebayting,
the Bear Garden would have been one of several permanent structures—wooden arenas, dog kennels, bear pens—dedicated to the popular spectacle of bearbaiting in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.Bear Garden is mentioned in the following documents:
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Smithfield is mentioned in the following documents:
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Whitehall is mentioned in the following documents: