Survey of London (1633): Towers

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Of Towers and Castles.
THE Citie of London
(saith Fitzstephen)
hath in the East, a ve
ry great, and a most
strong Palatine Tow
er, whose Turrets and
Wals doe rise from a
deepe foundation, the mortar thereof being
tempred with the blood of beasts. In the
West part are two most strong Castles, &c.
To begin therefore with the most fa
mous Tower of London, situate in the
East, neere unto the River of Thames;
it hath beene the common opinion, and
some have written, (but of none assured
ground) that Iulius Cæsar, the first Con
querour of the Britaines, was the origi
nall Author and Founder, aswell there
of, as also of many other Towers, Ca
stles,
In my An
nales.
and great buildings within this
Realme. But (as I have already before
noted) sar remained not here so long,
nor had he in his head any such matter;
but onely to dispatch a conquest of this
barbarous Countrey, and to proceed to
greater matters. Neither doe the Ro
mane
Writers make mention of any such
buildings erected by him here.
And therefore leaving this, and pro
ceeding to more grounded authority,
I finde in a faire Register Booke, con
taining the acts of the Bishops of
Roche
ster, set downe by Edmund de Hadenham:
that William the first, surnamed Conque
rour
, builded the Tower of London; to
wit, the great white and square Tower there,
about the yeere of Christ, 1078. appoin
ting Gundulph then Bishop of Rochester
to be principall Surveyor and Overseer of
that worke; who was (for that time) lodged
in the house of Edmere, a Burgesse of Lon
don
. The very words of which mine
Author are these in Latine
:
Gundulphus Episcopus, mandato Wil
lielmi
Regis magni præfuit operi magnæ
Turris London, quo tempore hospitatus est
apud quendā Edmerum, Burgensem Lon
don
, qui dedit unum Were Ecclesiæ Rof
fen.
Ye have before heard, that the wall
of this Citie
was all round about furni
shed with Towers and Bulwarkes, in
due distance every one from other, and
also that the River of Thames, with her
ebbing and flowing, on the South-side,
had subverted the said Wall, and Tow
ers there. Wherefore King William, for
defence of this Citie, in place most dan
gerous, and open to the enemy, having
taken downe the second Bulwarke in
the East part of the Wall, from the
Thames, builded this Tower, which was
the great square Tower, now called the
white Tower; and hath beene since (at
divers times) enlarged with other buil
dings adjoyning, as shall bee shewed.
This Tower was by tempest of wind sore
shaken, in the yeere 1092. the 4. of Wil. Rufus, and was againe, by the said Rufus
and Henry the first repaired. They al
so caused a Castle to be built under the
said Tower;
Castle by the Tower builded.
namely, on the South-side
toward the Thames, and also incastella
ted the same round about.
Henry Huntington, libro sexto, hath
these words
: William Rufus challenged
the investure of Prebates, he pilled and sha
ved the people with Tribute, especially to
spend

Towers and Castles.

spend about the Tower of London, and the
great Hall at Westminster.
Othowerus,
First Con
stables of the Tower
Acolinillus, Otto; and Gef
frey Magnaville
Earle of Essex, were 4.
the first Constables of this Tower of
London
by succession: all which held by
force, a portion of Land (that pertained
to the Priorie of the holy Trinity within
Ealdgate
) that is to say,
Eastsmith
field
a Vineyard.
Eastsmithfield,
neere unto the Tower, making thereof
a Vineyard, and would not depart from
it,
Ex Charta.
till the second yeere of King Stephen,
when the same was adiudged and resto
red to the Church.
This Geffrey Magnaville was Earle of
Essex,
Geffrey Magnaville Earle of Essex, Con
stable of the Tower and She
riffe of London.
Constable of the Tower, Shiriffe
of London, Middlesex, Essex, and Hert
fordshire
, as appeareth by a Charter of
Maude the Empresse, 1141. Hee also
fortified the Tower of London against
King Stephen; but the King tooke him
in his Court at S. Albanes, and would
not deliver him, till he had rendred the
Tower of London, with the Castles of
Walden and Plashey in Essex.
In the yeere 1153. the Tower of Lon
don
and the Castle of Windsore were by
the King delivered to Richard de Lucie,
Richard de Lucy Cu
stos of the Tower.

to be safely kept.
In the yeere 1155. Thomas Becket, be
ing Chancellour to Henry the second,
caused the Flemmings to be banished out
of England, their Castles lately builded,
to be pulled downe, and the Tower of
London
to be repaired.
About the yeere 1190. the second of
Richard the first
, William Longshampe, Bi
shop of Ely, Chancelour of England, for
cause of dissention betwixt him and the
Earle Iohn, the Kings Brother, that was
Rebell;
The Tow
er of Lon
don
com
passed a
bout with a wall and a ditch.
inclosed the Tower and Castle
of London
with an outward wall of stone
embattailed; and also caused a deepe
Ditch1 to be cast about the same, thin
king (as I have said before) to have en
vironed it with the River of Thames. By
making of this inclosure and ditch in
Eastsmithfield, the Church of the holy
Trinity
in London, lost halfe a mark rent
by the yeere; and the Mill was remo
ved, that belonged to the poore bre
thren of the Hospitall of S. Katherine,
S. Katherins Mill stood where is now the Iron gate of the Tower.

and to the Church of the holy Trinitie
aforesaid; which was no small losse and
discommodity to either part. And the
Garden, which the King had hyred of
the brethren for sixe markes the yeere,
for the most part was wasted and mar
red by the ditch. Recompence was of
ten promised, but never performed, till
King Edward comming after, gave to
the Brethren five Markes and an halfe,
for that part which the ditch had de
voured: and the other part thereof
without he yeelded them againe, which
they hold; and of the said rent of five
Markes and an halfe, they have a Deed,
by vertue whereof they are well paid to
this day.
It is also to be noted, and cannot bee
denyed, but that the said inclosure and
ditch, tooke the like or greater quanti
ty of ground from the Citie within the
VVall; namely, on that part called the
Tower Hill, besides breaking downe of
the Citie VVall, from the white Tower
to the first Gate of the Citie, called the
Posterne. Yet have I not read of any
quarrell made by the Citizens, or re
compence demanded by them for that
matter; because all was done for good
of the Cities defence thereby, and to
their good likings.
But Matthew Paris writeth, that in
the yeere 1239
. King Henry the third
fortified the Tower of London to another
end;
Bulwarkes of the Tower builded.
wherefore the Citizens fearing, lest
that was done to their detriment, complai
ned, and the King answered: That hee had
not done it to their hurt; But (saith he) I
will from henceforth doe as my brother doth,
in building and fortifying Castles, who bea
reth the name to be wiser than I am.
It followed in the next yeere,
West gate and Bul
warkes of the Tower fell downe
(saith
mine Author)
the said Noble buildings
of the stone Gate and Bulwarke, which the
King had caused to be made by the Tower of
London
, on the West side thereof, was sha
ken as it had beene with an Earthquake, and
fell downe; which the King againe comman
ded to be built in better sort than before,
which was done.
And yet againe, in the yeere 1241. the
said Wall and Bulwarkes that were newly
builded,
Wall and Bulwarkes againe fall downe, and new builded.
wherein the King had bestowed
more than twelve thousand Markes, were
unrecoverably quite throwne downe, as a
fore: for the which chance, the Citizens of
London were nothing sorry: for they were
threatned, that the said wall and Bulwarkes
were builded, to the end, that if any of them
would contend for the liberties of the Citie,
E3
they

Towers and Castles.

they might be imprisoned: And that many
might be laid in divers prisons, many lod
gings were made, that no one should speake
with another.
Thus much Matthew Paris avoucheth
for this building.
More of Henry the third his dealings
against the Citizens of London, we may
read in the said Author, in 1245. 1248.
1249. 1253. 1255. 1256. &c. But con
cerning the said Wall and Bulwarke,
the same was finished, though not in
his time. For I read, That Edward the
first
, in the second of his reigne, commanded
the Treasurer and Chamberlaine of the Ex
chequer, to deliver out of his Treasurie, un
to

Miles of Andwarp, 200. Markes, of
the fines taken of divers Merchants
,
Ditch2 made a
bout the Bulwarke, without the West gate of the Tower.
or V
surers of
London (for so be the words of
the Record) toward the worke of the ditch,
then new made about the said Bulwarke
;
now called the Lion Tower.
I find also recorded, that Henry the
third
, in the 46. of his reigne, wrote to
Edward of Westminster, commanding
him
,
H. 3. his Orchard by the Tower.
That hee should buy certaine Perie
Plants, and set the same in the place without
his Tower of London, the ninth of Edward
the second
.
Edward the fourth in place whereof
builded a wall of Bricke. But now for
the Lion-Tower, and Lions in England,
the originall, as I have read, was thus:
Henry the first builded the Mannor
of
Woodstocke
,
First Parke in England.
with a Parke which hee
walled about with stone, seven miles in
compasse, destroying for the same, di
vers Villages, Churches and Chappels,
and this was the first Parke in
England;
the words of the Record are these fol
lowing
: He appointed therein (beside great
store of Decre) divers strange beasts, to be
kept and nourished, such as were brought
to him from far Countries; as Lions, Leo
pards, Linxes, Porpentines, and such other:
For such was his estimation among outlan
dish Princes, that few would willingly of
This text has been supplied. Reason: Misprint or typesetting error. Evidence: The text has been supplied based on an external source. (JZ)fend him.
More I read, that in the yeere 1235.
Fredericke the Emperour sent to Henry
the third
, three Leopards,
Lions sent to Hen. 3. and kept in the Tower.
in token of
his regall Shield of Armes, wherein
three Leopards were pictured: since
which time, those Lions, and others,
have beene kept in a part of this Bul
warke, now called the Lion Tower, and
their keeper there lodged. King Edward
the second
, in the twelfth yeere of his
reigne
, commanded the Sheriffes of
London, to pay the keeper of the Kings
Leopards in the Tower of London, 6. d
the day, for the sustenance of the Leo
pards; and three halfe-pence a day, for
dyet of the said keeper, out of the fee-farme
of the said Citie.
More, the 16. of Edward the third,
one Lion, one Lionesse, one Leopard,
and two Cattes Lions, in the said Tow
er, were committed to the custody of
Robert, the sonne of Iohn Bowre.
Edward the fourth fortified the Tow
er of London
,
Edw. the 4. builded bulwarks without the Tower
and inclosed with Bricke
(as is aforesaid) a certaine piece of
ground, taken out of the Tower hill,
west from the Lion Tower, now called
the Bulwarke. His Officers also, in the
fifth of his reigne, set upon the said Hill
both Scaffold and Gallowes,
Seaffold and Gal
lowes first set on Tower Hill.
for the ex
ecution of offenders; whereupon the
Maior & his brethren cōplained to the
King, and were answered, that the same
was not done in derogation of the Ci
ties Liberties; and therefore caused
proclamation to be made, &c. as shall
be shewed in Towerstreet.
Richard the third repaired and buil
ded this Tower somewhat.
Rich. 3. re
paired the Tower.
Henry the 8. in 1532. repaired the
white Tower,
White Tower re
paired by Hen. 8.
and other parts thereof.
In the yeere 1548. the second of Ed
ward
the sixth
, on the 22. of November,
in the night, a Frenchman lodged in
the round Bulwarke, betwixt the West
Gate
and the Posterne, or draw bridge,
called the Warders Gate, by setting fire
on a barrell of Gunpowder,
A bulwark of the To
wer
blown up.
blew up the
said Bulwarke, burnt himselfe, and no
moe persons. This Bulwarke was again
forthwith new builded.
And here, because I have (by occasi
on) spoken of the west gate of this Tow
er; the same (as the most principall)
is used for the receipt and delivery of all
kindes of carriages;
Gates and Posternes of the Tower.
without the which
Gate, be divers Bulwarkes and Gates,
turning towards the North, &c. Then
neere within this West gate, opening
to the South, is a strong Posterne for
passengers, by the Ward-house, over a
draw-bridge, let downe for that pur
pose. Next, on the same South side, to
ward the East, is a large water-gate, for
receipt

Towers and Castles.

receipt of Boats and small vessels, partly
under a stone bridge, from the River of
Thames
. Beyond it is a small Posterne,
with a draw-bridge, seldome let down,
but for the receipt of some great per
sons, prisoners. Then towards the East
is a great and strong Gate, commonly
called the Iron gate, but not usually o
pened. And thus much for the founda
tion, building, and repairing of this
Tower, with the Gates and Posternes,
may suffice. And now somewhat of ac
cidents in the same, shall be shewed.
In the yeere 1196.
Actions of the Tower
William Fitzosbert,
a Citizen of London, seditiously moving
the common people to seeke liberty,
and not to be subject to the rich and
more mighty; at length was taken, and
brought before the Archbishop of Can
terbury
in the Tower,
Iustices sate in the Tower.
where he was by
the Judges condemned, and by the
heeles drawne thence to the Elmes in
Smithfield
, and there hanged.
1214. King Iohn wrote unto Geffrey
Magnaville
,
Patent the 15. of King Iohn.
to deliver the Tower of
London
, with the Prisoners, Armour,
and all other things sound therein, be
longing to the King; to William, Arch
deacon of Huntington.
The yeere 1216. the first of Henry
the third
, the said Tower was delivered
to Lewes of France, and the Barons of
England.
In the yeere 1206. Plees of the Crown
were pleaded in the Tower:
Plees of the crown pleaded in the Tower
likewise in
the yeere 1220. and likewise in the
yeere 1224. and againe in the yeere
1243. before William of Yorke, Richard
Passelew
,3 Henry Brahe,4 Ierome of Saxton,
Justicers.
In the yeere 1222. the Citizens of
London having made a tumult against
the Abbot of Westminster; Hubert of
Burgh
, chiefe Justice of England, came
to the Tower of London, and called be
fore him the Maior and Aldermen, of
whom hee inquired for the principall
Authors of that sedition: Amongst
whom, one named Constantine Fitz Ael
ulfe
avowed, that he was the man, and
had done much lesse than he thought to
have done. Whereupon, the Justice
sent him (with two other) to Falks de
Brent
, who with armed men brought
them to the Gallowes, where they were
hanged.
In the yeere 1244.
Griffith of Wales fell from the Tower.
Griffith the eldest
sonne of Leoline, Prince of Wales, being
kept prisoner in the Tower, devised
meanes of escape; and having (in the
night) made of the hangings, sheets, &c.
a long line, he put himselfe downe from
the top of the Tower. But in the sliding,
the weight of his body, being a very
bigge and a fat man, brake the Rope,
and he fell on his necke, and brake his
necke withall: whose miserable carkas,
being found in the morning by the
Tower wall, was a most pitifull sight to
the beholders: for his head and necke
were driven into his brest, between both
the shoulders. The King hearing there
of, punished the watch-men, and cau
sed Griffiths sonne, that was imprisoned
with his Father, to bee more straitly
kept.
In the yeere 1253.
Sheriffes of London prisoners in the Tower.
King Henry the
third
imprisoned the Sheriffes of Lon
don
in the Tower more than a moneth,
for the escape of a prisoner out of New
gate
, as ye may read in the Chapter of
Gates.
In the yeere 1260. King Henry,
K. Henrie lodged in the Tower and held his Parlia
ment there.
with
his Queene5 (for feare of the Barons)
were lodged in the Tower. The next
yeere he sent for his Lords, and held his
Parliament there.
In the yeere 1263. when the Queene
would have removed from the Tower
by water,
Citizens of London despised the Qu. Wife to Hen. 3.
towards Windsore, sundry Lon
doners
got them together to the Bridge,6
under the which she was to passe, and
not onely cryed out upon her with re
prochfull words, but also threw mire
and stones at her, by which she was con
strained to returne for the time. But in
the yeere 1265. the said Citizens were
faine to submit themselves to the King
for it, and the Maior, Aldermen, and
Sheriffes were sent to divers prisons,
and a Custos also was set over the Ci
tie; to wit, Othon, Constable of the
Tower, &c.
Leoline Prince of Wales,
Leoline, Prince of Wales, his head set on the Tower.
came downe
from the Mountaine of Snowdon, to
Mountgomery, and was taken at Bluith
Castle: where using reprochfull words
against the Englishmen, Roger le Strange
ran in upon him, and with the Sword
wherewith he was girt, cut off his head,
leaving his dead bodie on the ground.
Sir Roger Mortimer caused the head of
this

Towers and Castles.

this Leoline to be set upon the Tower
of London
, crowned with a wreath of I
vie. Such was the end of Leoline, be
trayed by the men of Bluith: And this
was the last Prince of the Britaines
blood, that bare rule and dominion in
Wales.
In the yeere 1290. divers Justices,
Iustices of the bench sent to the Tower.
as
well of the Bench, as of the Assises, were
sent prisoners to the Tower, which with
great summes of money redeemed their
liberty.
Sir Thomas Weyland had all his goods,
Adam Meri. chro. Dun. Rad. Bald. Sca. Chro. Io. Rouse.

both moveable and unmoveable, confis
cated, and himselfe banished. Sir Rafe
Hengham
, chiefe Justice of the higher
Bench, offered seven thousand Markes:
Sir Iohn Lovelet, Justice of the lower
Bench, three thousand Markes. Sir Wil
liam Bromtone
, Justice, sixe thousand
Markes. Of their Clarkes, for their re
demption; of Robert Littlebury, 1000.
Markes; and of Roger Leicester, 1000.
Markes: And of a certaine Clarke of
the Courts, called Adam de Straton,
32000. Markes, of old money and new;
beside Jewels (without number) and
precious vessels of Silver, which were
found in his house, and a Kings Crown,
which some men said was King Iohns.
Moreover, the King constrained the Ju
stices to sweare, that (from thenceforth)
they should take no pension, fee or gift
of any man, except onely a breakfast or
such like present.
Edward 2. the 14. of his reigne, ap
pointed for prisoners in the Tower, a
Knight, 2. d. the day, an Esquire, 1. d.
the day, to serve for their dyet.
In the yeere 1320. the Kings Justices
sate in the Tower,
Iustices sate in the Tower.
for tryall of matters:
whereupon, Iohn Gissors, late Maior of
London, and many other, fled the City,
for feare to be charged of things which
they had presumptuously done.
In the yeere 1321. the Mortimers
yeelding themselves to the King, hee
sent them prisoners to the Tower, where
they remained long, and were judged to
be drawne and hanged.
But at length, Roger Mortimer of Wig
more
,
Mortimer made an escape out of the Tower.
by giving his Keepers a sleepy
drinke, escaped out of the Tower, and
his Vnckle Roger being still kept, there
dyed about five yeeres after.
In the yeere 1326. the Citizens of
London wanne the Tower,
Citizens of London wrested the keyes of the To
wer
from the Con
stable.
wresting the
keyes out of the Constables hands, deli
vered all the prisoners, and kept both
the Citie and Tower to the use of Isabel.
the Queene, and Edward her sonne.
In the yeere 1330. Roger Mortimer,
Earle of March,
Mortimer drawne from the Tower to the Elmes, and there hanged.
was taken and brought
to the Tower, from whence hee was
drawne to the Elmes, and there hanged
on the common Gallowes, where hee
hung two dayes and two nights by the
Kings commandement, and then was
buried in the Gray Fryers Church. Hee
was condemned by his Peeres, and yet
never was brought to answer before
them. For it was not then the custome,
after the death of the Earles of Lanca
ster, Winchester, Glocester
, & Kent: wher
fore this Earle had that law himselfe,
which before hee had appointed for o
thers.
In the yeere 1344. King Edward the
third
, in the 18. yeere of his reigne,
A Mint in the Tow
er
, Floren
ces of gold coyned there.

commanded Florences of Gold to bee
made, and coyned in the Tower; that
is to say, a penny a peece, of the value of
6. shillings and eight pence; the halfe
penny peece, of the value of 3. shillings
and foure pence; and a farthing peece,
worth 20. pence. Percevall de Port of
Lake
, being then Master of the coine.
And this is the first coyning of Gold in
the Tower, whereof I read, and also the
first coynage of Gold in England.
I finde also recorded, that the said
King,
The Kings exchange in Buckles bury.
in the ſame yeere, ordained his
Exchange of money to be kept in Sernes
Tower
, a part of the Kings house in
Buckles Bury. And here, to digresse a
little (by occasion offered) I finde, that
in times before passed, all great summes
were paid by weight of gold or silver, as
so many pounds,
Round plates, cal
led blanks, delivered by weight, Argent. and Pecunia, af
ter called Easterling.
or markes of silver, or
so many pounds or markes of gold, cut
into blankes, and not stamped, as I
could prove by many good authorities,
which I overpasse. The smaller summes
also were paid in starlings, which were
pence so called: for other coynes they
had none.
The antiquity of this starling penny
usually in this Realme, is from the reigne
of Henry the second
: notwithstanding
the Saxon coynes (before the Conquest)
were pence of fine silver, the full weight
and somewhat better than the latter
starlings,

Towers and Castles.

starlings, as I have tryed by conference
of the pence of Burghrede King of Mer
cia
, Ælfred, Edward, and Edelred, Kings
of the West Saxons, Plegmond Archbi
shop of Canterbury, and others.
William the Conquerours penny also
was fine silver, of the weight of the Ea
sterling, and had on the one side stam
ped,
Conque
rour
did weare no beard.
an armed head, with a beardlesse
face, (for the Normans ware no beards)
with a Scepter in his hand. The Inscri
ption in the circumference, was this,
Le Rei Wilam. On the side, a crosse
double to the Ring, betweene 4. rowels
of six points.
King Henry the first his penny was of
the like weight, finenesse, forme of face,
crosse, &c.
This Henry, in the eighth yeere of his
reigne
, ordained the penny which was
round, so to be quartered by the crosse,
that they might easily bee broken into
halfe pence and farthings.
In the first, second, third, fourth, and
fifth of King Richard the first his reigne,
and afterwards, I finde commonly Ea
sterling money mentioned, and yet oft
times the same is called Argent, as afore,
and not otherwise.
The first great sum that I read of to
be paid in Easterlings, was in the fifth
of Richard the first
, when Robert Earle of
Leicester, being prisoner in France, prof
fered for his ransome a thousand marks
Easterlings; notwithstanding, the Ea
sterling pence were long before.
The weight of the Easterling penny
may appeare by divers Statutes, name
ly, of weights and measures, made in
the 51. yeere of Henry the third, in these
words:
Weight of starling pence 32. graines of wheat.
Thirty two graines of Wheat, dry
and round, taken in the middest of the eare,
should be the weight of a starling penny;
twenty of those pence should weigh one ounce,
twelve ounces a pound Troy
. It followeth
in the Statute, Eight pound to make a gal
lon of Wine, and eight gallons, a bushell of

London measure, &c. Notwithstanding
which Statute, I finde in the eighth of
Edward the first
, Gregorie Rokesley, Mai
or of London, being chiefe Master or Mi
nister of the Kings Exchange or Mints,
a new coyne being then appointed, the
pound of Easterling money should con
taine (as afore) 12. ounces, to wit, fine
silver, such as was then made into foyle,
and was commonly called silver of Gu
thurons lane
; 11. ounces, two Easter
lings, and one ferling or farthing, and
the other 17. pence halfepenny farthing
to be lay. Also the pound of money
ought to weigh 20. shillings 3. pence
by account; so that no pound ought to
be over 20. shillings 4. pence, nor lesse
than 20. shillings 2. pence by account;
the ounce to weigh 20. pence, the pen
ny weight 24. graines. Which 24. by
weight then appointed, were as much
as the former 32. graines of Wheat: a
penny force, 25. graines and an halfe;
the penny deble or feeble, 22. graines
and an halfe, &c.
Now for the penny Easterling,
The pen
ny Easter
ling how it tooke the name.
how
it tooke that name, I think good briefe
ly to touch. It hath beene said, that Nu
ma Pompilius
, the second King of the
Romanes, commanded monies first to be
made, of whose name they were called
Numi; and when copper pence, silver
pence, and gold pence were made, (be
cause every silver penny was worth ten
copper pence, and every gold penny
worth ten silver pence) the pence were
therefore called in Latine, Denarij; and
oftentimes, the pence are named of the
matter or stuffe of gold or silver. But
the Money of England was called of the
workers and makers thereof: as the Flo
ren of gold is called of the Florentines,
H. 2. made a new coyne in the third of his reigne.

that were the workers thereof; and so
the Easterling pence tooke their name
of the Easterlings, which did first make
this money in England, in the reigne of
Henry the second
.
Thus have I set downe, according to
my reading in Antiquity, of money
matters;
Starling money, when it tooke be
ginning in this Land.
omitting the imaginations of
late Writers; of whom some have said,
Easterling money to take that name of a
starre stamped in the border or ring of
the penny: othersome, of a bird, called
a Stare or Starling, stamped in the cir
cumference: and other (more unlikely)
of being coyned at Strivelin or Starling,
a Towne in Scotland. &c.
Now concerning halfepence and far
things,
Of halfe pence and farthings.
the accompt of which is more
subtiler than the pence, I need not speak
of them more, than that they were only
made in the Exchange at London, and
no where else: First, pointed to be made
by Edward the first, in the eighth of his
reigne:

Towers and Castles.

reigne: and also at the same time, the
said Kings coine was some few groats of
silver, but they were not usuall. The
Kings Exchange at London was neere
unto the Cathedrall Church of S. Paul,
and is to this day commonly called, the
Old Change; but in Evidences, the Old
Exchange
.
The Kings Exchanger in this place,
was to deliver out to every other Ex
changer throughout England, or other
the Kings Dominions, their Coyning
Irons, that is to say, one Standard or
Staple, and two trussels, or Punchions:
and when the same were spent and
worn, to receive them with an account,
what summe had been coyned, and al
so their Pix, or Box of assay, and to de
liver other Irons new graven, &c. I
finde that in the 9. of King Iohn,
Mints in England. Patent 9. John.
there
was, besides the Mint at London, other
Mints, at Winchester, Excester, Chichester.
Canterbury, Rochester, Ipswich, Norwich,
Linne, Lincolne, Yorke, Carleil, Northam
pton, Oxford, S. Edmondsbury
, and Dur
ham
. The Exchanger, Examiner and
Tryer,
Dimini
shing of coyne.
buyeth the silver for coynage:
answering for every hundred pound of
silver, bought in Bolion, or otherwise
98. l. 15. s. for hee taketh 25. s. for
coynage.
King Edward the first, in the 27. of
his reigne
,
Starling mony for
bidden to be tran
sported.
held a Parliament at Stebun
heth
, in the house of Henry Waleis, Maior
of London, wherein amongst other
things there handled, the transporting
of starling money was forbidden.
In the yeere 1351. William Edington,
Bishop of Winchester, and Treasurer of
England, a wise man, but loving the
Kings commodity more, than the wealth
of the whole Realme and common peo
ple (saith mine Author)
Caused a new
coyne,
First groats and halfe coyned.
called a Groat and halfe a Groat to be
coyned and stamped, the Groat to bee taken
for 4. d. and the halfe Groat for 2. d. not
conteyning in weight according to the pence
called Easterlings, but much lesse, to wit,
by 5. s. in the pound: by reason whereof,
victuals and merchandizes became the dea
rer through the whole Realme.
About the same time also, the old
coyne of gold was changed into a new;
but the old Floren or Noble, then so
called, was worth much above the tax
ed rate of the new. And therefore the
Merchants ingrossed up the old, and
conveied them out of the Realme, to the
great losse of the Kingdome.
Coyns of gold en
haunced.
Where
fore a remedy was provided, by chan
ging of the stampe.
In the yeere 1411. King Henry the
fourth
caused a new coyne of Nobles to
be made, of lesse value than the old, by
4. d. in the Noble, so that fifty Nobles
should be a pound, Troy weight.
In the yeere 1421. was granted to
Henry the fifth a fifteene to be paid at
Candlemas, and at Martinmasse, of
such money as was then currant gold,
or silver, not overmuch clipped or wa
shed, to wit, That if the Noble were
worth 5. s. 8. d. then the King should
take it for a full Noble, of 6. s. 8. d.
And if it were lesse of value, than 5. s.
8. d. then the person that gold,
to make it good to the value of 5. s. 8. d.
the King alway receiving it for an whole
Noble of six shillings 8. d. And if the
Noble so payed were better than 5. s.
8. d. the King to pay againe the surplus
age, that it was better than 5. s. 8. d.
Also this yeere was such scarcity of
white mony,
More plē
ty of coyn in gold than in sil
ver.
that though a Noble were
so good of gold, and weight, as six shil
lings eight pence; men could get no
white money fro them.
In the yeere 1465. King Edward the
fourth
caused a new coyne, both of gold
and silver to be made,
Coines of gold allay
ed, and al
so raised in value.
whereby he gai
ned much, for he made of an old Noble,
a Royall: which he commanded to goe
for ten s. Neverthelesse to the same
Royall was put 8. d. of allay, and so
weyed the more,
Rose No
bles.
being smitten with a
new stampe, to wit, a Rose. Hee like
wise made halfe Angels of 5. s. And far
things of 5. s. 6. d. Angelets of 6. s.
8. d. And halfe Angels 3. s. 4. d. Hee
made silver money of three pence, a
groat, and so of other coynes after that
rate, to the great harme of the Com
mons.
W.7 Lord Hastings the Kings Cham
berlaine, being Master of the Kings Mints,
saith the Record, undertooke to make the
monies under forme following: to wit, of
gold a peece of 8. s. 4. d. starling, which
should be called a Noble of gold, of the which
there should be fifty such peeces in the pound
weight of the Tower. Another piece of gold,
4. s. 2. d. of starlings, and to be of them an
hundred

Towers and Castles.

hundred such pieces in the pound. And a
third piece of gold, 2. s. 1. d. starling, two
hundred such pieces in the pound, every
pound weight of the Tower to be worth 20.
l’, 16. s. 8. d. of starlings, the which should
be 23. Carits, 3. graines, and halfe 5. &c.
and for silver, 37. s. 6. d. of starlings, the
piece of 4. pence, to be 112. Groats, and 2.
pence in the pound weight.
In the yeere 1504. King Henry the
seventh
appointed a new coyne;
Halfe fa
ced groats.
to wit,
a Groat, and halfe a Groat, which bare
but halfe faces. The same time also was
coyned a Groat, which was in value 12.
d. but of those but a few, after the rate
of forty pence the ounce.
In the yeere 1526. the 18. of Hen. the
eight
, the Angell Noble, being then the
sixt part of an ounce Troy, so that six
Angels were just an ounce, which was
40. shillings starling, and the Angell
was also worth two ounces of silver; so
that six Angels were worth 12. ounces
of silver,
Gold and silver en
haunced.
which was 40. s. A Procla
mation was made on the 6. of Septem
ber
, that the Angell should goe for 7.
s. 4. d. the Royall for 11. s. and the
Crowne for 4. s. 4. d. And on the 5.
of November
following, againe by Pro
clamation, the Angell was enhaunced
to 7. s. 6. d. and so every ounce a gold
to be 45. s. and the ounce of silver at 3.
9. d. in value.
In the yeere 1544. the 35. of Henry
the 8
. on the 16. of May,
Base mo
nies coy
ned and currant in England.
Proclamation
was made, for the enhauncing of gold
to 48. shillings, and silver to 4. shillings
the ounce. Also the King caused to bee
coyned base monies, to wit, pieces of
12. d. 6. d. 4. d. & 1. d. in weight
as the late starling, in shew good silver,
but inwardly Copper. These pieces
had whole or broad faces, and continu
ed currant after that rate, till the 5. of
Edward the 6
. when they were on the 9.
of Iuly
8 called downe, the shilling to 9.
d. the Groat to 3. d. &c. and on the 17.
of Auguſt
9 from 9. d. to 6. d. &c. And
on the 30. of October,10 was published
new coynes of silver and gold to bee
made,
Crownes and halfe Crownes of silver coyned.
a piece of silver 5. s. starling, a
piece 2. s. 6. d. of 12. d. of 6. d. a pen
ny with a double Rose, a halfe penny a
single Rose, and a farthing with a Port
close. Coyns of fine Gold, a whole So
veraigne of 30. s. an Angell of 10. s.
an Angeler of 5. s. Of Crowne gold, a
Soveraigne 20. s. halfe Soveraigne 10.
s. 5. s. 2. s. 6. d. and base monies to
passe as afore, which continued till the
2. of Queene Elizabeth then called to a
lower rate, taken to the Mint, and refi
ned, the silver whereof being coyned
with a new stampe of her Majesty, the
drosse was carried to foule high
waies, to heighten them. This base mo
nies (for the time) caused the old star
ling monies to be hoorded up,
Starling monies hoorded up, 21. c. currant, given for an Angell of gold.
so that I
have seene 21. s. currant, given for one
old Angell to gild withall. Also rents
of lands and tenements, with prices of
victuals, were raised farre beyond the
former rates, hardly since to be brought
downe. Thus much for base monies,
coyned and currant in England have I
knowne: But for Leather monies, as
many people have fondly talked, I find
no such matter. I read that King Iohn
of France, being taken prisoner, by Ed
ward
the blacke Prince, at the Battell
of Poytiers, payed a ransome of 3. Milli
ons of Florences, whereby, he brought
the Realme of France into such poverty,
Leather mony in France.

that many yeeres after they used Lea
ther money, with a little stud or nayle
of silver in the midst thereof. Thus
much for Mint, and coynage, by occa
sion of this Tower (under correction of
other more skilfull) may suffice. And
now to other accidents there.
In the yeere 1360. the peace be
tweene England and France being confir
med,
French K. prisoner in the Tower.
King Edward came over into Eng
land
, and straight to the Tower, to see
the French King then prisoner there,
whose ransome hee assessed at 3. Milli
ons of Florences, and so delivered him
from prison, and brought him with ho
nour to the Sea.
In the yeere 1381. and the fourth
yeere of the reigne of King Richard the
second
,
A grievous taxe and tallage granted to the King, which cau
sed a great rebellion in England.
was granted to the King a grie
vous tax and tallage of his subjects, both
spirituall and temporall: through the
which was raised in England a ship
wracke of great troubles. For divers
Courtiers, desirous to enrich them
selves with other mens goods, enformed
the King and his Court, that the tallage
was not gathered up faithfully to the
Kings use by the Collection. Where
upon, they offered to the King, that
they

Towers and Castles.

they would pay a great summe of mo
ney for the farme of that, which they
would gather over and above that which
had beene paid, if they might be by the
King thereunto authorized.
Some of them getting the Kings Let
ters and Authority,
The peo
ple misu
sed in ve
ry base manner.
sate in divers places
of Essex and Kent, and handled the peo
ple sore and uncourteously, almost not
to be spoken, for the levying of the said
summe of money: which some of the
people taking in evill part; they secret
ly tooke counsell together, gathered as
sistants, and resisted the exactors, rising
against them, of whom, some they slew,
some they wounded, and the rest fled.
This tumult beganne principally in
Kent,
The Ken
tish
men a
rise in a tumult, for there the mischiefe began.
and after this manner, as I finde
the same set downe in a Chronicle of
S. Albans: One of the Collectors of the
Groats, or pole money, comming to the
house of Iohn (others say Watt) Tylar, in
the Towne of Dartford in Kent, deman
ded of the Tylars wife, for her Husband,
for her selfe, for her servants, and for
their daughter (a young maiden) every
one of them a Groat;
The pole groat cal
led (by some) the groape groat.
which the Tylars
wife denyed not to pay, saving for her
daughter; who (she said) was a childe,
and not to bee accounted as a woman.
That will I soone wete (answered the
Collector) and taking the yong maiden
dishonestly turned her up to search
whether shee were under-growne with
haire, or not; for in many places they
had made the like shamefull tryall.
Whereupon,
The hus
band com
meth home ha
stily from his worke.
her mother cryed out,
which caused neighbours to come in,
and her husband (being at worke in the
same Towne, tyling of an house) when
he heard thereof, caught his Lathing
staffe in his hand, and ran presently
home: where reasoning with the Col
lector; who made him to be so bold? The
Collector answered with stout words, &
strake at the Tylar. But the Tylar avoy
ding the blow,
The Col
lector slaine by the Tylar.
smote the Collector with
his Lathing-staffe, that the braines flew
out of his head: where-through great
noyse arose in the streets, and the poore
people being glad, every one prepared
to support the said Iohn Tylar.
Thus the Commons being drawne
together,
The Com
mons flocke to
gether in the Tylars defence.
went to Maidstone, and from
thence backe againe to Black-heath, and
so (in short time) they stirred all the
Country (in a manner) to the like com
motion. Then, besetting the waies that
led to Canterbury, arrested all passengers,
compelling them to sweare:
An oath exacted by the Rebels on all pas
sengers.
First, that
they should keepe allegeance to
King Ri
chard
, and to the Commons: And that
they should accept no King that was named

Iohn: in envy they bare unto Iohn Duke
of
Lancaster, who named himselfe King of
Castile: And that they should bee ready
whensoever they were called, and that they
should agree to no taxe, to be levied (from
thenceforth) in the Kingdome, nor consent
to any, except it were a fifteene
.
The Fame of these doings spread in
to Sussex,
Evill news do alwaies quickly spread them
selves.
Hertford, Essex, and Cam
bridgeshires, Norfolke, suffolke
, &c. And
when such assembling of the common
people daily tooke encrease, and that
their number was now made almost in
finite, so that they feared no man to re
sist them: they began to shew some such
desperate Acts, as they had rashly con
sidered on in their minds: And tooke in
hand to behead all men of Law,
Iustice, Lawyers, and Iurors beheaded.
as well
Apprentices, as utter-Baristers, and old
Justices, with all the Jurors of the coun
try, whom they might get into their
hands. They spared none whom they
thought to be learned, especially, if they
found any to have a Pen and Inke-horne
about him: they pulled off his Hood,
and all with one voyce crying, Hale him
out, and cut off his head
.
Bondmen of Essex joyne with them of Kent.
The bondmen
and other of Essex, being joyned with
them of Kent on Black-heath, there came
Knights to them from the King, to en
quire the cause of their assembly: to
whom they made answer, That for cer
taine causes, they were come together,
to have talke with the King: And ther
fore willed the Knights to tell him, that
he must needs come unto them, that he
might understand the desire of their
hearts.
The King was counselled by some, to
make haste unto them:
Ex Chron. Dun.
but Simon Sud
bury
, Archbishop of Canterbury, Lord
Chancelor, and Robert Hales of Saint
Iohns
, Treasurer, affirmed: that it was
not meet for the King to goe to such a
rude company, but rather some order
to be taken for their suppression.
Insolent fury is ea
sily mo
ved.
Which
when the Commons heard, being mo
ved to a furious rage, they swore, that
they would goe seeke the Kings Tray
tors,

Towers and Castles.

tors, to take off their heads. Forthwith
they took their journey towards London,
and came to Southwarke, where they fel
led all the places of that Borough, and in
the Countrey about. They spoiled the
Archbishops Palace at Lambeth, for de
spight they bare him. The Lord Maior
of London and Aldermen (fearing the
Cities spoyle) decreed to shut up the
Gates: But the Commons of the City,
especially the poorer people, favouring
the Commons of the Country; would
not suffer the Maior to shut them out,
but threatned death to them that went
about it.
All the night following, to wit, Cor
pus Christi
Even,11
The Com
mons of London hartned on by the Rebels.
the Rebels enjoyed
free ingate and outgate, and encouraged
the Commons of London, as also of all
the Realme, to favour their cause. For,
said they, their purpose was but to
search out the Traytors of the Land, and
so to cease. The more credit was given
to speeches, because they tooke nothing
from any man, but at a just price: and if
they found any man with theft, they be
headed him. The morrow after, to wit,
on Corpus Christi day,12 comming into
the Citie, talking with the Commons
of procuring liberty to them, and appre
hending of Traytors (as they tearmed
them) especially the Duke of Lancaster:
they shortly got all the poorer Citizens
to conspire with them.
The poo
rer Citi
zens joyn with the Rebels, and burne the Savoy, the Duke of Lanca
sters
house.
And the same
day after it was waxen somewhat warm,
and that they had tasted divers Wines
(for the Citizens did set open their
Cellers for them, to enter at their plea
sure) they exhorted each other, that go
ing to the Savoy, the Duke of Lancasters
house (to the which there was none in
the whole Realme to be compared, for
beauty and statelinesse) they might set
it on fire, and burne it downe to the
ground.
Straightway they ran thither, and set
ting fire on it round about, applied their
travell to destroy it. And that it might
appeare to the Communalty, that they
did not any thing for avarice: they cau
sed to be proclaimed, that none (upon
paine of losing his head) should pre
sume to convert to his owne use,
The Re
bels would have no
thing to a
ny private mans use.
any
thing that was there; but that they
should breake such Plate, and vessels of
Gold and Silver (as was there in great
plenty) into small pieces, and then to
throw the same into the Thames, and so
all (whatsover) was destroyed. But
one of the Rebels (saith Henry Kniton)
contrary to the Proclamation, tooke a
goodly silver piece, and hid it in his bo
some: but another that espied him, told
his fellowes, who (forthwith) hurled
him and the piece of Plate into the fire,
The Re
bels burne one of these fel
lowes.

saying, We be zealous of Truth and Iustice,
and not theeves or robbers
. Also, two and
thirty of those Rebels entred a Celler of
the Savoy,
Two and thirty Re
bels mu
red up in a Celler.
where they dranke so much
of sweet Wines, that they were not able
to come out againe in time: but were
shut in with wood and stones, that mu
red up the doore, where they were heard
crying and calling seven dayes after, but
none came to helpe them out, till they
were all dead.
These things being done,
The new Temple of London burnt, in anger to Sir Robert Hales.
they brake
downe the place called the new Tem
ple at the Barre
, in which place, Ap
prentices at the Law were lodged: for
anger which they had conceived against
Sir Robert Hales, Master of Saint Iohns
Hospitall
, unto which Hospitall of St.
Iohns
the Temple belonged, where ma
ny Monuments, which the Lawyers had
in their custody, were consumed with
fire. After a number of them had sac
ked this Temple: what with wearinesse
of labour, and what with Wine, being
overcome,
The Re
bels mur
ther one another.
they lay downe under the
wals and housing, and were slaine like
Swine; one of them killing another for
old grudges, and other also made quick
dispatch of them.
Another troope (in the meane time)
set fire on the noble house of Saint Iohn
at Clarkenwell
, causing it to burne by the
space of seven dayes together, not suffe
ring any to quench it. On Friday, they
burned the Manor of Highburie, the
whole number of the Common people
(being at that time) divided into three
parts. Of the which division,
The Re
bels divi
ded into 3. bands.
one part
was attending to destroy the Manor of
Highbury
, and other places belonging to
the Priory of Saint Iohn. Another com
pany lay at the Miles-end, East of the
City. The third kept at the Tower-hill,
There to spoile the King of such victu
als, as were brought toward him. The
company that were assembled on the
Miles-end, sent to command the King,
F
that

Towers and Castles.

that hee should come to them without
delay,
The Re
bels com
mand the King, and hee goeth to them to the Miles-end.
unarmed, or without any force:
which if he refused to doe, they would
pull downe the Tower, neither should
he escape alive. The King taking coun
sell, with a few unarmed, went toward
them in great feare on Horseback: and
so the Gates of the Tower being set o
pen, a great multitude of them entred
into it.
There was (at the same time) within
the Tower 600. Armed valiant persons,
The Re
bels en
tred into the Tower of London, and their impudent behaviour there.

and expert in Armes, and sixe hundred
Archers: all which did quaile in sto
macke, and stood as men amazed. For
the basest of the Rusticks (not many to
gether, but every one by himselfe) durst
presume to enter the Kings Chamber,
and his Mothers, with their weapons,
to put in feare each of the men of War,
Knights and other. Many of them went
into the Kings Privie-Chamber, and
played the wantons, in sitting, lying
and sporting them on the Kings Bed.
And that which is much more sawcily,
Their bold insolence to the Kings Mo
ther.

invited the Kings Mother, to kisse with
them: yet durst none of those men of
Warre (strange to bee said) once with
stand them: they went in and out like
Masters, that were but base slaves, and
of most vile condition.
While these rude wretches sought
for the Archbishop,
The Re
bels sought for the Archbi
shop of Canturbury.
running up and
downe with terrible noyse and fury: at
length, finding one of his servants, they
charged him to bring them where his
Master was, whom they named Tray
tor. The servant not daring to displease
them, brought them to the Chappell:
where, after Masse had been said, and
having received the Communion, the
Arch-bishop was busie in his prayers:
for,
The Arch
bishop dreadlesse of the Re
bels cruel
ty, and his speeches with them.
not unknowing of their comming
and purpose, he had passed the last night
in confessing of his sinnes, and in devout
prayers. When therefore he heard that
they were come, with great constancy,
he said to his men: Let us now goe, surely
it is best to dye, when it is no pleasure to
live
.
The Arch
bishop is fetcht out of the Tower, and drag
ged to the Tower hil.
And with that, the tormentors en
tring, cryed, Where is the Traytor?
The Archbishop answered: Behold, I
am the Archbishop, whom you seeke,
not a Traytor. They therfore laid hands
on him, and dragging him out of the
Chappell, they drew him forth of the
Tower gate, to the Tower-hill, where
being compassed about with many
thousands, and seeing swords about his
head drawn in excessive manner, threat
ning death to him, he spake unto them
in these words.
What is it (deare brethren) you purpose
to doe?
The Arch
bishops words to the Rebels on Tower hill.
What is mine offence committed a
gainst you, for which you will kill me? You
were best to take heed, that if I be killed, who
am your Pastor, there come not on you the
indignation of the iust Revenger, or (at the
least) for such a fact, all
England be not put
under interdiction
. Vnneath could hee
pronounce these words, before they cry
ed out with an horrible noise: That they
neither feared the interdiction, nor al
lowed the Pope to be above them. The
Archbishop seeing death at hand, with
comfortable words (as hee was an
eloquent man, and wise, beyond all the
wise men of the Realme) spake fairely
to them.
The Arch
bishop of Canturbury most cru
elly behea
ded by the Rebels.
Lastly, after forgivenesse gran
ted to the executioner, that should be
head him, kneeling down, he offered his
necke to him that should smite off his
head. Being stricken in the necke, but
not deadly, hee putting his necke, said,
Aha, it is the hand of God. He had not
removed his hand from the place where
the paine was, but that being suddenly
stricken againe, his fingers ends being
cut off, and part of the Arteries, he fell
downe, but yet he dyed not, till being
mangled with 8. severall strokes in the
necke and head, he fulfilled most wor
thy Martyrdome.
The inhu
manity to his body after hee was dead
There lay his body
unburied all that Friday, and the mor
row till afternoone, none daring to deli
ver his body to Sepulture. His head
those wicked villaines tooke, and nay
ling thereon his Hood, they fixed it on
a pole, and set it on London Bridge, in
place where before stood the head of Sir
Iohn Minstarworth.
This Archbishop, Simon Tibald, alias
Sudbury,
A further relation concer
ning this worthy Archbi
shop, and his religi
ous acti
ons.
Son to Nicholas Tibald, Gen
tleman, borne in the Towne of Sudbury
in Suffolke, Doctor of both Lawes, was
eighteene yeeres Bishop of London, in
the which time, hee builded a goodly
Colledge, in place where his Fathers
house stood, and endued it with great
possessions: furnishing the same with
secular Clarks, and other Ministers,
being valued at the suppression, at 122.
l. 16. s

Towers and Castles.
l. 16. s. in Lands by the yeere. Hee
builded the upper end of St. Gregories
Church at Sudbury. Afterward, being
translated to the Archbishopricke of
Canturbury,
The Wals of Cantur
bury
re-e
dified by this Arch
bishop.
in An. 1375. he re-edified
the Wals of that City, from the West
gate (which he builded) to the North
gate: which had been destroyed by the
Danes, before the Conquest of King Wil
liam
the Bastard
.
Hee was slaine, as you have heard,
and afterward buried in the Cathedrall
Church of Canturbury.
The Lord Prior of Saint Iohns beheaded with the Archbi
shop.
There died with
him Sir Robert Hales, a most valiant
Knight, Lord of Saint Iohns, and Trea
surer of England, and Iohn Degge, one of
the Kings Serjeants at Armes, and a
Franciscane Fryer, named W. Apledore,
the Kings Confessor. Richard Lyons also,
a famous Lapidary and Goldsmith, late
one of the Sheriffs of London, was drawn
out of his house,
Many be
headed both Flem
mings
and English to fulfill the head
strong cru
elty of the commons.
and beheaded in Cheap.
Many that day were beheaded, as well
Flemmings, as Englishmen, for no cause;
but only to fulfill the cruelty of the rude
Commons. For it was a solemne pa
stime to them, if they could take any
that was not sworne to them, to take
from such a one his Hood, with their
accustomed clamours, and forthwith to
behead him. Neither did they shew a
ny reverence to sacred places; for in the
very Churches they did kill any whom
they had in hatred. They fetched 13.
Flemmings out of the Augustines Fryers
Church
in London, and 17. out of ano
ther Church, and 32. in the Vintry, and
so in other places of the Citie, as also in
Southwarke, all which they beheaded:
except they could plainely pronounce
Bread and Cheese.
The vil
laines made a pastime of putting men to death.
For if their speech
sounded any thing on Brot or Cawse,
off went their heads, as a sure marke
that they were Flemmings.
The King comming to the Miles-end,
the place before recited, was greatly a
fraid, beholding the mad-headed Com
mons: who (with froward countenan
ces) required many things, which they
had put in writing, and to be confirmed
by the Kings Letter Patents.
The demands made by the Rebelles to the
King at Miles-end.
THat all men should be free from servi
tude and bondage;
The first Article.
so as (from thence
forth) there should be no bondmen.
That hee should pardon all men,
The se
cond Arti
cle.
of what
estate soever, all manner actions and insur
rections committed, and all manner of Trea
sons, Felonies, transgressions and extorti
ons, by any of them done, and to grant them
peace.
That all men (from thenceforth) might
bee enfranchised to buy and sell in every
County,
The third Article.
City, Borough, Towne, Faire, Mar
ket and other place within the Realme of
England.
That no Acre of Land,
The fourth Ar
ticle.
holden in bondage
or service, should bee holden but for foure
pence: And if it had been holden for lesse in
former time, it should not hereafter bee in
haunsed.
These, and many other things they
required:
Reprehen
sion of the Kings go
vernment.
And told him moreover, that
hee had beene evilly governed till that
day: but from that time forward hee
must be governed otherwise.
The King perceiving that he could not
escape,
A hard ex
treamity for a king.
except hee granted to their re
quest, yeelded to the same: and so, cra
ving Truce departed from them,
The Essex men re
turned home.
and
the Essex men returned homeward. On
the morrow, being Saturday, and the
15. of Iune, the King (after dinner) went
from the Wardrobe in the Royall in
London, to Westminster, to visite the
Shrine of Saint Edward the King,
The King goeth to Westminster.
and to
see if they had done any mischiefe there.
Then went he to the Chappell, called
our Lady in the Piew
, where hee made
his prayers: and returning by the Sub
urbes of West Smithfield, he found all
that place full of people, to wit, the
Kentish men.
The King sendeth to the Kentish men.
Wherfore he sent to shew
them, that their fellowes the Essex men
were gone home, and that hee would
grant to them the like forme of Peace, if
it liked them to accept thereof.
Their chiefe Captaine, named Iohn,
or,
Walter Hil
liard
, alias, Tylar their chiefe Captaine.
as other affirme, Walter Hilliard, alias
Tylar, being a crafty fellow, and of an
excellent wit, but wanting grace, an
swered, That he desired peace, but with
conditions to his liking, meaning, to
feed the King with faire words untill
next day, that hee might in the night
time have compassed his purpose. For
they thought (the same night) to have
F2
spoiled

Towers and Castles.

spoiled the Citie,
The wic
ked and bloody in
tent of the Rebels in the night time.
the King being first
slaine, and the great Lords that were a
bout him: then to have burnt the City,
by setting fire in foure parts thereof.
But God that resisteth the proud, did
suddenly disappoint him. For whereas
the forme of peace was written in three
several Charters, and thrice sent to him:
none of them could please him. Where
fore at length,
The King sendeth Sir Iohn Newton to Wat Tylar about his owne de
mands.
the King sent to him one
of his Knights, named Sir Iohn Newton,
not so much to command, as to intreat
him (for his pride was well enough
knowne) to come and talke with him,
about his owne demands, to have them
put into his Charter: of which demands
I will set downe one, that it may plain
ly appeare, how contrary to reason all
the rest were.
First,
One of Wat Tylars arrogant demands made to the King.
he would have a Commission
to behead all Lawyers, Escheators, and
others whatsoever, that were learned in
the Law, or communicated with the
Law, by reason of their office. For hee
had conceived in his mind, that this be
ing brought to passe, all things after
ward should bee ordered, according to
the fancy of the Common people. And
indeed it was said, that he had (but the
day before) made his vaunt, putting his
hand to his own lips:
A bold brag of a Rebell.
that before foure
daies came to an end, all the Lawes of
England shuld proceed from his mouth.
When Sir Iohn Newton was in hand
with him for dispatch, he answered with
indignation: If thou art so hasty, thou
maist get thee to thy Master, for I will
come when it pleaseth mee. Notwith
standing, he followed on horsebacke a
slow pace: and by the way,
Iohn Tickle the Doubb
let maker his com
ming to Wat Tylar, and what answer he made him.
there came
to him a Doublet maker, who had
brought to the Commons threescore
Doublers, which they bought and wore,
and hee demanded thirty Markes for
them, but could have no payment, Wat
Tylar
answered him, saying, Friend, ap
pease thy selfe, thou shalt be well pay
ed before this day be ended: keep thee
neere to me, I will be thy Creditor.
Setting spurs to his horse, he depar
ted from his company,
Wat Tylar his com
ming to the King, and his au
dacious words to him.
and came so
neere to the King, that his horse had
touched the crooper of the Kings horse,
and the first words he spake, were these:
Sir King, seest thou all yonder people?
Yea truely, quoth the King, wherefore
saist thou so? Because (said he) they be
all at my commandement, and have
sworne to mee their faith and truth, to
doe all that I will have them. In good
time, replyed the King, I beleeve it well.
Then said Wat Tylar, beleevest thou, King
that these people,
A lamen
table case when a King should bee in such di
stresse.
and as many moe as
be in London, at my command, will de
part from thee thus, without having thy
Letters? No, said the King, yee shall
have them, they bee ordained for you,
and shall bee delivered to every one of
them.
At these words, Wat Tylar seeing the
Knight Sir Iohn Newton neere to him
on horsebacke, bearing the Kings sword,
was offended, and said,
Wat Tylars words to Sir Iohn Newton who did beare the Kings sword.
It had become
him better to be on foot in his presence.
The Knight (not having forgot his old
accustomed manhood) answered, That
it was no harme, seeing himselfe was
also on horsebacke. Which words so
offended Wat, that he drew his Dagger,
and offered to strike the Knight, calling
him Traitor. The Knight answered, that
he lied, and drew his Dagger likewise.
Wat Tylar, not suffering such an indigni
ty to be done him, and before his rustick
companions, made as if he would have
run upon the Knight.
The Knight comman
ded to a
light on foot be
fore the Rebell.
The King there
fore, seeing the Knight in danger, to as
swage the rigor of Wat for the time,
commanded the Knight to alight on
foot, and to deliver his Dagger to Wat
Tylar
. But when his proud mind could
not bee so pacified, but hee would also
have his Sword: the Knight answered,
It was the kings sword, and (quoth he)
thou art not worthy to have it, nor durst
thou aske it of me, if here were no more
but thou and I. By my faith, said Wat
Tylar
, I shall never eat, untill I have thy
head, and would have run in upon the
Knight.
At that very instant came to the King
William Walworth,
The com
ming of William Walworth L. Maior of London to checking and his worthy words to him.
Lord Maior of Lon
don
, a bold, couragious and brave min
ded man, with many Knights and
Squires to assist the King, and hee said;
My Liege, it were a great shame, and
such as never had before been heard of,
if in that presence, they should permit
a Noble knight to be shamefully mur
thered, and before the face of their So
veraigne: wherefore hee ought to bee
rescued, and Tylar the Rebell to be ar
rested.

Towers and Castles.

arrested. Which words being heard,
the king, although he were but of ten
der yeers, taking boldnesse and courage
to him, commanded the Maior of Lon
don
to lay hand upon him. The Maior,
being a man of an incomparable spirit
and boldnes, without any further delay
or doubting, straight arrested him with
his Mace upon the head,
William Walworth Lord Mai
or of Lond. arrested VVat Tylar and felled him to the ground.
and in such
sort, that he fell downe at the feet of his
horse. By and by, they which attended
on the king, environed him round about,
whereby he was not seene of his compa
nie. And an Esquire of the Kings, cal
led Iohn Cavendish,13 alighted from his
horse, and thrust his Sword into Wat Ty
lars
belly: albeit more opinions do hold,
that the Maior did it with his Dagger,
and many beside did thrust him in, in
many places of his body, and then drew
him from among the people,
VVat Tylar the Rebell slaine in Smithfield.
into the
Hospitall of Saint Bartholomew. Which
when the Commons perceived, they
cryed out, that their Captaine was trai
terously slaine, heartning one another to
fight, and to revenge his death, bending
their Bowes. But the King rode to them,
saying,
The kings kinde words to the rude multitude
What a worke is this, my men?
What meane you to doe? Will you
shoot at your king? Be not quarrellous,
or sorry for the death of a Traytor and
Ribald: I am your king, I will be your
Captaine and Leader: follow me into
the Field, there to have whatsoever you
will require.
This the king did, lest the Commons,
being bitterly bent in minde, should set
fire on the houses in Smithfield, where
their Captain was slaine. They therfore
followed him into the open Field,
They fol
lowed the King into the field.
and
the Souldiers that were with him, not
knowing as yet, whether they would kill
the king, or be in rest, and depart home
with the kings Charter. In the meane
while, worthy Walworth, the (for ever)
famous Maior of London, to second his
first peece of service, that fell out to so
good purpose, onely with one servant,
riding speedily into the Citie, began to
cry, You good Citizens, come to helpe
your king,
Another worthy a
ction per
formed by the Lord Maior.
that is in doubt to be murde
red, and succour me your Maior, that
am in the like danger: Or if you will
not succour me, yet leave not the king
destitute. When the Citizens heard
this, in whose hearts the love of the
king was ingrafted, suddenly, and very
seemely prepared,
A Noble and loyall forwardnesse in true-hear
ted Citi
zens, for the succor of their king, be
ing in great di
stresse.
(to the number of a
thousand) they tarried in the streets,
for some one of the knights to lead them
(with the Lord Maior) to the king. And
by good fortune, Sir Robert Knowles, a
Freeman of the Citie, came in the very
instant, whom they all required to bee
their Leader. Hee gladly undertooke
part of them; and Perducas Dalbert, the
Lord Maior, and some other knights,
led on the rest to the kings presence. The
king, and all that were with him, rejoy
cing not a little at the unhoped for com
ming of these brave armed Citizens,
suddenly compassed the whole multi
tude of the Commons.
There might a man have seene a won
derfull change of Gods right hand,
A wonder
full altera
tiō among the Rebels
how
the Commons did now throw downe
their weapons, and fall to the ground,
beseeching pardon; who lately before
did glory that they had the kings life in
their power; and now were glad to
hide themselves in caves, ditches, corne
fields, &c. The knights therefore, desi
rous to be revenged, besought the king
to permit them to take off the heads of
and hundred or two of them.
Great wis
dome and discretion in the king being so yong.
But the king
would not condiscend to their request,
but commanded the Charter which
they had demanded, written and sealed,
to be delivered to them for the time, to
avoid any more mischiefe: As knowing
well, that Essex was not yet pacified,
nor Kent stayed, the Commons and Ru
sticks of which Countries were ready to
rise again, if he did not satisfie them the
sooner. The Commons having got the
Charter, departed homeward, and the
rude people being dispersed and gone,
the king called for his valiant Maior of
Lond. W. Walworth,
VV VVal
worth
, L. Maior of London knighted in the field and other Aldermen with him.
whom (with great ho
nour) he knighted there in the field, and
as he had very worthily deserved. The
like he did to Nicholas Brember, Ioh. Phil
pot
, Robert Lawnd, Iohn Standish,14 Nicho
las Twiford
, and Adam Frances, Alder
men. Afterward, the king, with his lords
and his company, orderly entred into
the Citie of London with great joy, and
went to his royal Mother, who was lod
ged in the Tower Royall, called then the
Queenes Wardrobe, and there shee
had remained two dayes and two
nights, very much abashed and amazed.
F3
But

Towers and Castles.

But when shee saw the king her sonne,
she was highly comforted, and said, Ah
faire Sonne, what great sorrow have I
suffered for you this day!
The com
fortable words of the King to his mo
ther.
The king an
swered, and said: Certainely, Madame,
I know it well: but now rejoyce, and
thanke God, for I have this day recove
red mine Heritage, and the Realme of
England, which I had neere-hand lost.
The Archbishops head was taken off
the Bridge, and Wat Tylars head set up
in the place.
Here we are further to consider, that
for an eternall remembrance of this
happy day,
The Arms or London augmen
ted by ad
dition of a Dagger.
and the Cities honour with
all, the king granted, that there should
be a Dagger added to the Armes of the
Citie, in the right quarter of the shield,
for an augmentation of the same
Armes, and a memory of the Lord Mai
or his valiant act, as doth appeare unto
this day. For till that time, the Citie
bare onely the Crosse without the Dag
ger.
And whereas it hath been farre spred
abroad by vulgar opinion,
Concer
ning vul
gar mista
king the Captaines name of the Rebels
that the Re
bell smitten downe so manfully by Sir
William Walworth
, the then worthy Lord
Maior of London, was named Iack Straw,
and not Wat Tylar: I thought good to
reconcile this rash conceived doubt, by
such testimony as I find in ancient and
good Records. The principall Leaders
and Captaines of the Commons, were
Wat Tylar,
The name of the chiefe Captaines and ring
leaders in the rebel
lion.
as the first man that tooke
himselfe to be offended. The second,
was Iohn or Iack Straw: the third, was
Iohn Kirkby: the fourth, Allen Thredder:
the fifth, Thomas Scot: the sixth, Ralfe
Rugge
. These and many other were Lea
ders of the Kentish and Essex men. At
Mildenhall and Burie in Suffolke, was
Robert Westbrome, that made himselfe a
king; and was most famous, next to
Iohn Wrawe, who being a Priest, could
not set Crowne upon Crowne: but
left the name of king and Crowne to the
same Robert. At Norwich, Iohn Litester
a Dyer, exercised the name and power
of a king, till he was taken and hanged
for his paines. Thus dangerously had
this Rebellion dispersed it selfe abroad.
The rebel
lion had extended it selfe in
to many places.

But the happy and prosperous successe
at London, with other good care for them
further off, gave a gracious issue to all
in the end. After the death of Wat Tylar,
and Iack Straw being taken, with divers
other, as chiefe actors in this monstrous
disorder: the fore-named Lord Mayor
sate in judgement upon the offenders,
and pronounced the sentence of death
upon them.
The Lord Maior sate in judge
ment on the Re
bels, and his words that he u
sed to Iack Straw.
At which time, the Lord
Maior spake openly to him thus: Iohn
(quoth he) behold, thy death is at hand
without all doubt, and there is no way
through which thou mayst hope to e
scape: wherefore, for thy soules health,
without making any lye, tell us what
you purposed to have done among you,
and to what end you did assemble the
Commons. When hee had stayed a
while, as doubtfull what to say, the
Maior began thus againe to him: Sure
ly thou knowest, Iohn, that the thing
which I demand of thee, if thou doe it
truely, it will redound to thy soules
health, &c. He therefore, animated by
the Lord Maiors good words, began as
followeth:
The Confession of Iack Straw, to the
Lord Maior of London, before
his death.
NOw it booteth not to lye, neither is
it lawfull to utter any untruth:
especially, understanding that my
Soule is to suffer more straiter torments if I
should so doe. And because I hope for two
commodities by speaking the truth: first,
that what I shall speake, may profit the Com
mon-wealth: and secondly, after my death,
I trust by your suffrages to be succoured, ac
cording to your promises, which is to pray
for me: I will speake faithfully, and with
out any deceit.
At the same time as wee were assembled
upon Black-heath,
What they intended to doe at Black heath.
and had sent to the King
to come unto us: our purpose was, to have
slaine all such Knights, Squires and Gen
tlemen,
Their in
tent for keeping the King.
as should have given their atten
dance thither upon him: And as for the
King, we would have kept him among us,
to the end that the people might more boldly
have repaired to us: sith they would have
thought, that whatsoever we did, the same
had beene done by his authority. Finally,
when we had gotten power enough, that wee
needed not to feare any force which might be
made against us, we would have slaine all
such Noblemen as might either have given
counsell, or made any resistance against us:
especially, we would have slaine the Knights
of

Towers and Castles.

of the Rhodes or Saint Iohns,
The killing of all No
blemen. Killing the King & all that had any possessi
ons.
and lastly,
wee would have killed the King himselfe,
and all men of possessions: with Bishops,
Monks, Canons, and Parsons of Churches.
Onely Friers Mendicants wee would have
spared, that might have sufficed for Mini
stration of the Sacraments.
When we had made a riddance of all those,
Lawes de
vised by thēselves.

we would have devised Lawes, according to
which Lawes the subjects of the Realme
should have lived. For we would have cre
ated Kings,
Creation of kings a
mong thē.
as Wat Tylar in Kent, and
other in other Countries. But because this
our purpose was disappointed by the Arch
bishop of Canturbury,
Their ma
lice to the Archbi
shop.
that would not per
mit the King to come to us: wee sought by
all meanes to dispatch him out the way, as
at length we did. Moreover, the same eve
ning that Wat Tylar was kild, wee were
determined (having the greatest part of the
Commons of the City bent to joyne with us)
to have set fire in foure corners of the Citie,
Their in
tent to burne Lon
don
.

and so to have divided among our selves,
the spoile of the chiefest riches that might
have been found at our owne pleasure. And
this (said he) was our purpose, as God may
helpe me now at my last end.
After this confession made hee was
beheaded, and his head set on London
bridge
by Wat Tylars, and many other.
In the yeere 1387. King Richard held
his feast of Christmas in the Tower.
Richard the 2. prisoner in the Tower.

And in the yeere 1399. the same King
was sent prisoner to the Tower.
In the yeere 1414. Sir Iohn Oldcastle
brake out of the Tower.
Porter of the Tower beheaded.
And the same
yeere a Parliament being holden at Lei
cester
, a Porter of the Tower was drawn,
hanged and headed, whose head was
sent up, and set over the Tower Gate,
for consenting to one Whitlooke, that
brake out of the Tower.
In the yeere 1419. Fryer Randulph
was sent to the Tower, and was there
slaine by the Parson of Saint Peters in
the Tower
.
In the yeere 1426. there came to
London a lewd fellow,
A counter, feit Physi
cian his head set on the Tower of London.
feining himselfe
to be sent from the Emperour, to the
yong king Henry the sixt, calling him
selfe the Baron of Blackamoore, and that
he should be the principall Physician in
this Kingdome: but his subtilty being
knowne, he was apprehended, condem
ned, drawne, hanged, headed and quar
tered, his head set on the Tower of Lon
don
, and his quarters on foure Gates of
the Citie.
In the yeere 1458. in Whitson-week,
the Duke of Somerset, with Anthony
Rivers
,
Iusting in the tower.
and other foure, kept Iusts be
fore the Queen in the Tower of London
against three Esquires of the Queenes,
and others.
In the yeere 1465. King Henry the
sixt
was brought prisoner the Tower,
where he remained long.
In the yeere 1470. the Tower was
yeelded to Sir Richard Lee Maior of Lon
don
and his Brethren the Aldermen,
who forthwith entred the same, delive
ring King Henry of his imprisonment,
Henry the 6 murthe
red in the Tower.

and lodged him in the Kings lodging
there, but the next yeere he was againe
sent thither prisoner, and there murde
red.
In the yeere 1478. George Duke of
Clarence,
Duke of Clarence drowned in the Tower.
was drowned in a Butte of
Malmesey in the Tower: and within 5.
yeeres after King Edward the fift, with
his Brother,15
Edward the 5. murthe
red in the Tower.
were said to be murthered
there.
In the yeere 1485. Iohn Earle of Ox
ford
was made Constable of the Tower,
Patent 1. of Henry the 7. Iusts and tur
neying in the Tower.

and had custody of the Lyons granted
him.
In the yeere 1501. in the moneth of
May
, was royall Turney of Lords and
Knights in the Tower of London before
the king.
In the yeere 1502. Queen Elizabeth,
wife to Henry the 7. died of Childbirth
in the Tower.
In the yeere 1512. the Chappell in
the high white Tower
was burned. In
the yeere 1546. Queene Anne Bullein
was beheaded in the Tower. 1541. La
dy Katherine Howard
, wife to king Hen
ry
the eighth
, was also beheaded there.
In the yeere 1546. the 27. of April,
VVilliam Foxley slept in the Tower 14. dayes and more without waking.

being Tuesday in Easter weeke William
Foxley
, Potmaker for the Mint of the
Tower of London, fell asleepe, and so
continued sleeping, and could not bee
wakened with pricking, cramping, or
otherwise burning whatsoever, till the
first day of the tearme, which was full
14. daies, and 15. nights, or more, for
that Easter tearme beginneth not afore
17. dayes after Easter. The cause of his
thus sleeping could not bee knowne,
though the same were diligently sear
ched

Towers and Castles.

ched after by the Kings Physicians, and
other learned men: yea, the king him
selfe examined the said Wil. Foxley, who
was in all points found at his wakening,
to be as if he had slept but one night,
and he lived more than forty yeeres af
ter in the said Tower, to wit, untill the
yeere of Christ, 1587. and then decea
sed on Wednesday in Easter weeke.
Thus much for these accidents: and
now to conclude thereof in summary.
This Tower is a Cittadell, to defend or
command the Citie:
Vse of the Tower to defend the Citie.
a Royall place for
assemblies and treaties: a Prison of E
state, for the most dangerous offenders:
The onely place of coynage for all Eng
land
at this time: the Armorie for war
like provision: the Treasurie of the Or
naments and Iewels of the Crowne,
and generall conserver of the most Re
cords of the kings Courts of Iustice at
Westminster.
Tower on London Bridge.16
THe next Tower on the River of
Thames
,
Tower at the north end of the Draw
bridge.
was on London Bridge,
at the north end of the Draw
bridge. This Tower was new begun to
be builded 1426. Iohn Reynwell, Maior
of London, laid one of the first corner
stones in the foundation of this worke;
the other three were laid by the She
riffes and Bridge-masters: upon every
of these foure stones was ingraven in
faire Romane letters, the name of Ihesus.
And these stones I have seene laid in the
Bridge Storehouse, since they were ta
ken up, when that Tower was of late
newly made of timber.
This Gate and tower was at the first
strongly builded up of stone, and so con
tinued untill the yeere 1577. in the mo
neth of April
, when the same stone ar
ched gate and tower, being decayed,
was begun to be taken downe, and then
were the heads of the traytors removed
thence, and set on the tower over the
gate at the Bridge foot, towards South
warke
. This said tower beeing taken
downe, a new foundation was drawne,
and Sir Iohn Langley, Lord Maior, laid
the first stone, in the presence of the
Sheriffes and Bridge-masters.
On the 28 of Auguſt, and in the mo
neth of September
, the yeere 1579. the
same tower was finished, a beautifull
and chargeable peece of worke, all a
bove the Bridge being of timber.
Tower on the South of London Bridge.
ANother tower there is on Lon
don Bridge
,
Tower at the south end of the bridge.
to wit, over the gate17
at the South end of the same
Bridge, toward Southwarke. This gate,
with the tower thereupon, and two Ar
ches of the Bridge fell downe, and no
man perished by the fall thereof, in the
yeere 1436. Towards the new building
whereof, divers charitable Citizens
gave large summes of monies: which
Gate being then againe new builded,
was, with thirteene houses more on the
Bridge,
The south gate on London bridge bur
ned.
in the yeere 1471. burned by
the Mariners and Saylers of Kent, Ba
stard Fawconbridge
being their Cap
taine.
IN the west part of this Citie (saith
Fitzstephen) are two most strong Ca
stles, &c. Also Gervasim Tilbury, in
the Reigne of Henry the second, writing
of these Castles, hath to this effect: Two
Castles
(saith he) are built with wals and
rampires, whereof one is in right of possession
Baynards: the other, the Barons of Mount
fitchet
.
The first of these Castles, ban
king on the River Thames, was called
Baynards Castle, of Baynard, a Nobleman
that came in with the Conquerour, and
then builded it, and deceased in the
reigne of William Rufus: after whose de
cease Geffrey Baynard succeeded, and
then William Baynard, in the yeere 1111
who by forfeitnre18 for Felonie, lost his
Baronry of little Dunmow, and king Hen
ry
gave it wholly to Robert, the sonne of
Richard, the sonne of Gilbert of Clare,
and to his heires, together with the ho
nour of Baynards Castle. This Robert mar
ried Maude de Sent Licio, Lady of Brad
ham
, and deceased 1134. was buried at
Saint Needes by Gilbert of Clare his Fa
ther:19 Walter his sonne succeeded him, he
tooke to wife Matilde de Bocham; and
after her decease, Matilde the daughter
and coheyre of Richard de Lucy, on
whom hee begate Robert, and other:
hee deceased in the yeere 1198. and
was buried at Dunmow: after whom
succeeded Robert Fitzwater, a valiant
knight.
About

Towers and Castles.

About the yeere 1213. there arose a
great discord betwixt king Iohn and his
Barons,
Lib. Dun
mow.
because of Matilda, surnamed
the faire, daughter to the said Robert
Fitzwater
, whom the king unlawfully
loved, but could not obtain her, nor her
Father would consent thereunto: wher
upon, and for other like causes, ensued
warre through the whole Realme. The
Barons were received into Lond. where
they greatly endamaged the King,
but in the end, the king did not onely
(therefore) banish the said Fitzwater
amongst other,
Robert Fitz
water
ba
nished
.
out of the Realme, but
also caused his Castell, called Baynard,
and other his houses to bee spoiled.
Baynards Castell de
stroyed.

Which then being done, a Messenger
being sent unto Matilda the faire,
Virginity defended with the losse of worldly goods and life of the body, for life of the soule.
about
the kings suit, whereunto shee would
not consent, she was poysoned: Robert
Fitzwater
, and other being then passed
into France and some into Scotland, &c.
It hapned in the yeere 1214. king
Iohn
being then in France with a great
Army, that a truce was taken betwixt
the two kings of England and France, for
the tearme of five yeeres, and a River,
or arme of the Sea being then betwixt
either host. There was a Knight in the
English host, that cryed to them of the
other side, willing some one of their
Knights, to come and just a course or
twaine with him: whereupon, without
stay, Robert Fitzwater, being on the
French part, made himselfe ready, fer
ried over, and got on horsebacke, with
out any man to helpe him, and shewed
himselfe ready to the face of his chal
lenger, whom at the first course, hee
strooke so hard with his great Speare,
that horse and man fell to the ground:
and when his Speare was broken, hee
went back againe to the king of France.
Which when the king had seene, by
Gods tooth, quoth hee (after his usuall
oath) he were a king indeed, that had
such a Knight. The friends of Robert
hearing these words, kneeled downe
and said:
Robert Fitz
water
re
stored to the Kings favour.
O king, he is your knight; it
is Robert Fitzwater, and thereupon the
next day hee was sent for, and restored
to the kings favour: By which meanes,
peace was concluded,
Baynards Castell a
gain buil
ded.
and he received
his livings, and had licence to repaire
to his Castell of Baynard, and other Ca
stles.
The yeere 1216. the first of Henry the
third
, the Castell of Hartford, being
delivered to Lewes the French, and the
Barons of England,
The kee
ping of Hertford Castell belonged to Robert Fitzwater.
Robert Fitzwater re
quiring to have the same; because the
keeping thereof did by ancient right
and title pertaine to him, was answered
by Lewes; That English men were not
worthy to have such holds in keeping,
because they did betray their own Lord,
&c. This Robert deceased in the yeere
1234.20 and was buried at Dunmow, and
Walter his sonne succeeded him, 1258.
and his Barony of Baynard, was in the
ward of King Henry in the nonage of Ro
bert Fitzwater
. This Robert tooke to his
second wife, Ælianor, daughter and
heire to the Earle of Ferrars,21 in the yeere
1289. and in the yeere 1303. on the 12.
of March
. Before Iohn Blondon, Maior
of London, he acknowledged his service
to the same Citie, and sware upon
the Evangelists, that he would be true
to the liberties thereof, and maintaine
the same to his power, and the counsell
of the same to keepe, &c.
The rights that belonged to Robert Fitz
water
, Chastilian and Banner-bearer of
London, Lord of Wodeham
were these.
THe said Robert and his heires,
Robert Fitz
water
, Ca
stilian and Banner bearer of London.

ought to be, and are chiefe Ban
nerers of London, in fee for the
Chastilary, which he and his ancestors
had by Castell Baynard, in the said Citie.
In time of warre, the said Robert and his
heyres ought to serve the City in man
ner as followeth: that is;
The said Robert ought to come, hee
being the twentieth man of Armes on
horsebacke, covered with cloth, or Ar
mour, unto the great West doore of St.
Paul
, with his Banner displaied before
him, of his Armes. And when hee is
come to the said doore, mounted
and apparelled, as before is said, the
Maior with his Aldermen and Sheriffs,
armed in their Armes, shall come out
of the said Church of Saint Paul unto
the said doore, with a Banner in his hand
all on foot,
Banner of S. Paul.
which Banner shal be Gules,
the Image of Saint Paul gold: the face,
hands, feet, and sword of silver: and as
soone as the said Robert shall see the
Maior, Aldermen, and Sheriffs come
on

Towers and Castles.

on foot out of the Church, armed with
such a Banner, he shall alight from his
horse, and salute the Maior, and say to
him; Sir Maior, I am come to doe my ser
vice, which I owe to the Citie
.
And the Maior and Aldermen shall
answer:
We give to you, as to our Banneret of fee
in this Citie, the Banner of this Citie to
beare and governe, to the honour and profit
of this Citie, to your power.
And the said Robert and his heires
shall receive the Banner in his hands,
and shall goe on foot out of the gate,
with the Banner in his hands; and the
Maior, Aldermen, and Shiriffes shall
follow to the doore, and shall bring an
horse to the said Robert, worth twenty
pound, which horse shall bee saddled
with a saddle of the Armes of the said
Robert, and shall be covered with sindals
of the said Armes.
Also they shall present to him twen
ty pounds starling money, and deliver
it to the Chamberlaine of the said Ro
bert
, for his expences that day. Then
the said Robert shall mount upon the
horse which the Maior presented to
him, with the Banner in his hand, and
as soone as he is up, hee shall say to
the Mayor, that he cause a Marshall to
be chosen for the host, one of the Citie;
which Marshall being chosen, the said
Robert shall command the Maior and
Burgesses of the Citie, to warne the
Commons to assemble together, and
they shall all goe under the Banner of
S. Paul, and the said Robert shall beare
it himselfe unto Ealdgate, and there the
said Robert and Maior shall deliver the
said Banner of Saint Paul from thence,
to whom they shal assent or think good.
And if they must make any issue forth
of the Citie; then the said Robert ought
to choose two forth of every Ward, the
most sage personages, to foresee to the
safe keeping of the Citie, after they be
gone forth. And this counsell shall bee
taken in the Priorie of the Trinity neere
unto Ealdgate
. And againe, before eve
ry Towne or Castle, which the host of
London shall besiege, if the siege conti
nue a whole yeere, the said Robert shall
have for every siege, of the Communal
ty of London, one hundred shillings for
his travell, and no more.
These be the rights that the said Ro
bert
hath in the time of warre.
Rights be
longing to Robert Fitz
water
in the time of peace.
Rights
belonging to Robert Fitzwater and to
his heires in the Citie of London in the
time of peace, are these; that is to say,
The said Robert hath a Soke or Ward in
the Citie; that is, a wall of the Canon
rie of Saint Paul
, as a man goeth down
the street before the Brewhouse of Saint
Paul
, unto the Thames, and so to the
side of the Mill, which is in the water
that commeth downe from the Fleet
bridge
, and goeth so by London wals, be
twixt the Friers preachers and Ludgate,
and so returneth backe by the house of
the said Fryers, unto the said wall of
the said Canonrie of Saint Paul; that is,
all the Parish of Saint Andrew, which is
in the gift of his Ancestors, by the said
Signiority: and so the said Robert hath
appendant unto the said Soke, all these
things under-written: That he ought to
have a Sokeman, and to place what
Sokeman he will, so he be of the Soke
manrie, or the same Ward; and if any
of the Sokemanry be impleaded in the
Guildhall, of any thing that toucheth
not the body of the Maior that for the
time is, or that toucheth the body of no
Sheriffe, it is not lawfull for the Soke
man of the Sokemanrie of the said Ro
bert Fitzwater
, to demand a Court of
the said Robert; and the Maior and his
Citizens of London ought to grant him
to have a Court,
A Court to bee granted Robert Fitzwater for his Sokeman.
and in his Court hee
ought to bring his judgements, at it is
assented and agreed upon in the Guild
hall
, that shall be given them.
If any therefore be taken in his Soke.
manry, he ought to have his Stocks and
imprisonment in his Soke; and he shall
be brought from thence to the Guild
hall
, before the Maior, and there they
shall provide him his judgement that
ought to be given of him: but his judge
ment shall not be published till he come
into the Court of the said Robert, and in
his liberty.
And the judgement shall bee such,
Iudgemet for diver
sity of of
fences.

that if he have deserved death by trea
son, he to be tyed to a post in the Thames
at a good Wharfe, where Boats are fast
ned, two ebbings and two flowings of
the water.
And if he be condemned for a com
mon thiefe, he ought to bee led to the
Elmes,

Towers and Castles.

Elmes, and there suffer his judgement
as other Theeves. And so the said Ro
bert
and his heires hath honour, that he
holdeth a great Franches within the Ci
tie, that the Maior of the Citie and Ci
tizens are bound to doe him of right;
that is to say, that when the Maior will
hold a great Councell, he ought to call
the said Robert and his heires, to be with
him in councell of the Citie; and the
said Robert ought to be sworne, to be of
counsell with the Citie, against all peo
ple, saving the King and his heires. And
when the said Robert commeth to the
Hustings in the Guild hall of the Citie,
the Maior or his Lieutenant ought to
rise against him, and set him downe
neere unto him, and so long as hee is in
the Guild-hall, all the judgements ought
to be given by his mouth, according to
the Record of the Recorders of the said
Guild-hall. And so many waifes as come
so long as he is there, he ought to give
them to the Bayliffes of the Towne, or
to whom he will, by the counsaile of the
Maior of the Citie.
These be the Franchises that belon
ged to Robert Fitzwater in London, in
time of peace, which, for the antiquity
thereof, I have noted out of an old Re
cord.
This Robert deceased in the yeere 1305
leaving issue, Walter Fitzrobert, who had
issue, Robert Fitzwalter,22 unto whom, in
the yeere 1320. the Citizens of London
acknowledged the right, which they
ought to him and his heires for the Ca
stle Baynard
. He deceased 1325. unto
whom succeeded Robert Fitzrobert, Fitz
walter, &c
.23 More of the Lord Fitzwa
ter
24 may ye read in my Annales, in the 51
of Edward the third
. But how this ho
nour of Baynards Castle, with the appur
tenances, fell from the possession of the
Fitzwaters, I have not read: only I find,
that in the yeere 1428. the seventh of
Henry the sixth
,
Baynards Castle peri
shed by fire.
a great fire was at Bay
nards Castle
, and that Humfrey Duke of
Gloucester builded it new. By his death
and attaindor,
Humfrey, Duke of Gloucester, new buil
ded it.
in the yeere 1446. it
came to the hands of Henry the sixth, and
from him to Richard Duke of Yorke, of
whom wee reade,
Richard, Duke of Yorke, ow
ner
of Bay
nards Castle
.
that in the yeere
1457. he lodged there as in his owne
house.
In the yeere 1460. the 28 of February,
the Earles of March and of Warwicke,
with a great power of men, (but few of
name) entred the City of London, where
they were of the Citizens joyfully re
ceived; and upon the third of March, be
ing Sunday, the said Earle caused his
people to be mustred in S. Iohns field:
where, unto that host was shewed and
proclaimed, certaine Articles & points,
wherein King Henry, as they said, had
offended, and thereupon it was deman
ded of the said people, whether the said
Henry was worthy to raigne as King any
longer, or not: wherunto the people cry
ed, nay. Then it was asked of them, whe
ther they would have the E. of March
for their King: and they cryed, yea, yea.
Whereupon certaine Captaines were
appointed to beare report thereof to the
said Earle of March, then being lodged
at his Castle of Baynard. Whereof when
the Earle was by them advertised, he
thanked God, and them for their electi
on: notwithstanding, he shewed some
countenance of insufficiency in him, to
occupie so great a charge, till by exhor
tation of the Archbishop of Canturbury,
Edward the 4. took on him the Crownein Baynards Castle.

the Bishop of Excest. and certain Noble
men, he granted to their petition: and
on the next morrow at Pauls, he went on
Procession, offered, and had Te Deum
sung. Then was he with great Royalty
conveyed to Westminster, and there in the
great Hall, set in the Kings Seat, with
Saint Edwards Scepter in his hand.
In the seventh yeere of King Edwards
reigne
,
Ex lib. Ers
wick
. Treason surmised against many men
many men were arrested of trea
son, surmised against them, where
though many of them were put to
death, and other escaped for great sums
of money. Amongst whom were, Sir
Thomas Cooke
,
Divers Al
dermen unjustly charged with trea
son.
Sir Iohan Plummer, Knights,
Humfrey Heyward, and other Aldermen
of London arrested, and charged with
treason: whereof they were acquitted,
but they lost their goods to the King, to
the value of 40000. Marks, or more, as
some have written. And for example,
Sir Thomas Cooke, lately before L. Maior
of London, was by one, named Hawkins,
appeached of Treason, for which he was
committed to the Tower, his place in
London seized on by the Lord Rivers;25
and his Lady and servants cleerely put
out thereof, the cause being thus:
The

Towers and Castles.

The forenamed Hawkins came (up
on a time) to the said Sir Thomas Cooke,
The rea
son of Sir Thomas Cooke his troubles.

requesting him to lend him a thousand
Markes upon good surety; wherunto
he answered, that he would first know
for whom it should be: At length un
derstanding that it should bee for the
use of Queen Margaret, hee answered;
he had no currant wares, whereof a
ny shift might bee made, without
too much losse, and therefore required
Hawkins to move him no further, for he
intended not to deale therewithall. Yet
the said Hawkins requested but one
hundred pounds at length, and went a
way without it, or the value of one pen
ny, and never after came again to move
him; which rested so for two or 3. yeere
after, till the said Hawkins was com
mitted to the Tower; and brought at
length to the Brake or Racke, common
ly called,
The Brake or Racke in the Tower, u
sually cal
led the Duke of Excesters Daughter
the Duke of Excesters daugh
ter, because hee was the deviser of that
torture. By meanes of which paine, he
revealed many things: and among the
rest, the motion, which hee had made
to Sir Thomas Cooke, was one. In regard
whereof, the said Sir Thomas was trou
bled, as you have heard, and a Iury, by
the meanes of Sir Iohn Fogge, endighted
him of treason. After which, an Oyer
determinThis text has been supplied. Reason: Dirt on the page, tearing, etc. Evidence: The text has been supplied based on an external source.er was26 held in the Guildhall,
An Oyer de
terminer
for the tryall of Sir Thomas Cooke.

where sate the Lord Maior, the Duke
of Clarence, the Earle of Warwicke, the
Lord Rivers, Sir Iohn Fogge, with other
of the kings Councell.
To this place was the said Sir Thomas
brought, and there arraigned upon life
and death: where he was acquitted of
the said endightment,
Sir Thomas Cooke ac
quitted by the Iury.
and sent to the
Counter in Breadstreet, and from thence
to the Kings Bench. Being thus acquit
ted, his Wife got possession againe of
his house, the which she found in a very
evill plight: for the servants of Sir Iohn
Fogge
, and of the Lord Rivers, had made
havocke of what they listed. Also, at
his place at Giddy Hall in Essex,
Wh en men are in distresse much spoil is made of them.
anó
ther sort had destroyed the Deere in his
Parke, his Conies and Fish, and spared
not Brasse, Pewter, Bedding, and all
that they could carry away; for which,
neuer a penny might be gotten backe a
gaine in recompence, nor Sir Thomas
Cooke
bee delivered, untill he had paid
8000. pounds to the King, and 800.
pounds to the Queene. And because
that Sir Iohn Markham knight, then
chiefe Iustice of the Pleas, determined
somewhat against the kings pleasure
(that the offence done by Sir Thomas
Cooke
was no treason, but misprision,
the which was no desert of death, but
to be fined at the kings pleasure:)
Sir Iohn Markham Lord chiefe Iu
stice lost his Office for doing Iustice.
the
Lord Rivers, and the Dutches of Bed
ford
his wife, procured, that he lost his
Office afterward.
Edward the fourth being dead, leaving
his eldest sonne Edward, and his second
sonne Richard, both infants; Richard
Duke of Glocester,
Richard the third took on him the Crown in Baynards Castle.
being elected by the
Nobles and Commons in the Guildhall
of London, tooke on him the title or the
Realme and kingdome, as imposed up
on him in this Baynards Castle, as yee
may read pended by Sir Thomas Moore,
and set downe in my Annals.
Henry the seventh, about the yeere
1501. the 16. of his reigne, repaired
or rather new builded this house, not
imbattelled, or so strongly fortified
Castle-like; but farre more beautifull
and commodious for the entertainment
of any Prince or great Estate: hee also
kept a Royall Turney, and Iusts in the
Tower of London, for his Lords, knights
and other. In the seventeenth of his
reigne
, he with his Queene were lod
ged there, and came from thence to
Pauls Church, where they made their
offering, dined in the Bishops Palace,
and so returned.
The 18. of his reigne he was lodged
there, and the Ambassadours from the
King of the Romanes, were thither
brought to his presence, and from
thence the king came to Pauls, and was
there sworne to the King of the Romans,
as the said King had sworne to him.
The twenty of the said King,
Henry the seventh and Knights of the Garter rode in their ha
bits from the Tower to Pauls Church.
he with
his Knights of the Order, all in their
habits of the Gatter, rode from the
Tower of London through the City, un
to the Cathedrall Church of St. Pauls,
and there heard Evensong, and from
thence they rode to Baynards Castle,
where the king lodged, and on the next
morrow, in the same habit they rode
from thence againe to the said Church
of St. Pauls
, went on Procession, heard
the divine Service, offered and retur
ned. The same yeere the King of Castile
was

Towers and Castles.

was lodged there.
In the yeere 1553. the 19. of Iuly,
the Councell,
The coun
sell assem
bled at Baynards Castle, & proclai
med Queene Mary.
partly moved with the
right of the Lady Maries cause, partly
considering, that the most of the Realm
was wholly bent on her side, changing
their minde from Lady Iane, lately pro
claimed Queen; assembled themselves
at this Baynards Castle, where they
communed with the Earle of Pembrooke27
and the Earle of Shrewsbury,28 and Sir
Iohn Mason
, Clerke of the Councell,
sent for the Lord Maior, and then ri
ding into Cheape to the Crosse, where
Garter King at Armes (Trumpets being
sounded) proclaimed the Lady Marie,
Daughter to King Henry the eight, and
Queene Katharine, Queene of England,
&c.
This Castle now belongeth to the
Earle of Pembrooke.29
Next adjoyning to this Castle, was
sometime a Tower, the name thereof I
have not read, but that the same was
builded by Edward the second, is mani
fest by this that followeth:
King Edward the third,
A Tower by Baynards Castle builded by Edward the second.
in the second
yeere of his reigne
, gave unto William de
Ros
, of Hamelake in Yorkeshire, a Tow
er upon the water of Thames, by the Castle
Baynard
, in the Citie of London, which
Tower his Father had builded, he gave the
said Tower and appurtenances to the said
William Hamesake, and his heires, for a
Rose yeerely to be paid for al service due, &c.
This Tower as it seemeth to me, was
since called Legates Inne, the 7. of Edward
the fourth
.
THe next Tower or Castle, ban
king also on the river of Thames,
was (as is afore shewed) called
Mountfiquits Castle, belonging to a No
bleman, Baron of Mountfiquit, the first
builder thereof, who came in with Wil
liam
the Conquerour
, and was after
ward named, William le Sir Monntfiquit.
This Castle hee builded in a place, not
far distant from Baynards, towards the
West. The same William Mountfiquit li
ved in the reigne of Hen. the first, and was
witnesse to a Charter then granted to
the Citie for the Shiriffes of London,
Richard Mountfiquit lived in king Iohns
time
, and in the yeere 1213. was by
the same king banished the Realme in
to France, when (peradventure) king
Iohn
caused his Castle of Mountfiquit,
amongst other Castles of the Barons, to
be overthrowne. The which, after his
returne, might bee by him againe re e
dified; for the totall destruction there
of, was about the yeere 1276. when Ro
bert Kilwarby
, Archbishop of Cantur
bury
, began the foundation of the Fry
ers Preachers Church
there, com
monly called, the Blacke Fryers, as
appeareth by a Charter, in the fourth
of Edward the first
, in these words.
Gregory Rokesley,
Cant. Récord ex Charta. The prea
ching Fri
ers Church
founded by Baynards Castle; before which time their Church was in Oldborne.
Lord Maior, and
the Barons of London, granted, and
gave to the Archbishop of Canturbury
Robert Kilwarby, two lanes or wayes, ly
ing next to the street of Baynards Castle,
and the Tower of Mountfiquit, or Mount
fichet
to be destroyed. In the which place,
the said Robert builded the late new
Church of the Blacke Fryers, with the rest
of the stones that were left of the said Tow
er. For the best and choise stones the Bi
shop of London had obtained of King Wil
liam
Conquerour
, to re-edifie the upper
part of Saint Pauls Church, which was
then (by chance of fire) decaied.
One other Tower there was also,
Tower on the Thames
si
tuate on the River of Thames, neere un
to the said Black Fryers Church, on the
West part thereof, builded at the Ci
tizens charges, by licence and comman
dement of Edward the first, and of Ed
ward
the second
as appeareth by their
gránts. Which Tower was then fini
shed, and so stood for the space of
300. yeeres; and was at the last taken
downe by the commandement of Iohn
Sha
, Maior of London, in the yeere 1502.
Another Tower or Castle also was
there,
Tower or Castle on the west of London by Saint Brides Church.
in the West part of the Citie,
pertaining to the king. For I read, that
in the yeere 1087. the 20. of William
the first
, the City of London, with the
Church of Saint Paul, being burned,
Mauritius then Bishop of London, after
ward began the foundation of a new
Church, whereunto king William (saith
mine Author) gave the choise stones of
his Castle, standing neere to the bank of
the River of Thames, at the west end of
G
the

Towers and Castles.

the Citie.
In vita Ar
kenwald.
After this Mauritius, Richard
his successor purchased the streets about
Pauls Church, compassing the same
with a wall of stone, and gates, King
Henry the first
gave to this Richard, so
much of the Moat or wall of the Castle,
on the Thames side to the South, as
should be needfull to make the said wall
of the Churchyard, and so much more
as should suffice to make a way without
the wall on the North side.
This Tower or Castle being thus de
stroyed, stood, as it may seeme, in place
where now standeth the House called
Bridewell
. For notwithstanding the de
struction of the said Castle or Tower,
the house remained large, so that the
Kings of this Realme long after were
lodged there,
The kings house by S. Brides in Fleetstreet.
and kept their Courts.
For untill the 9. yeere of Henry the third,
the Courts of Law and Iustice were
kept in the Kings house, wheresoever he
was lodged, and not elsewhere. And
that the Kings have beene lodged, and
kept their Law Court in this place, I
could shew you many, authors of record;
but for a plaine proofe, this one may suf
fice: Hæc est finalis concordia, facta in Cu
ria Dom
.
Lib. Barton super Trent.
Regis apud Sanct. Bridgid. Lond.
a die Sancti Michaelis in 15. dies Anno reg
ni Regis Iohannis 7. Corā G. Fil. Petri, Eu
stacio de Fauconberg
, Iohanne de Gestlinge,
Osbart filio Hervey, Walter de Crisping, Iu
sticiar. & aliis Baronibus Domini Regis
.
More (as Mathew Paris hath) about the
yeere 1210. King Iohn,
Mat. Paris Manuscrip. Parliament at S. Brides.
the 12. of his
reigne
, summoned a Parliament at S.
Brides
in London, where he exacted of
the Clergie and religious persons, the
summe of one hundred thousand
pounds, and besides all this, the white
Monks were compelled to cancell their
priviledges, and to pay 40000. l. to the
King, &c. This house of S. Brides of la
ter time being left, and not used by the
Kings, fell to ruine, insomuch that the
very platforme thereof remained (for
great part) waste, and as it were, but a
lay-stall of filth and rubbish, only a faire
Well remained there. A great part of
this house, namely on the west, as hath
beene said, was given to the Bishop of
Salisbury; the other part toward the
East remained waste, untill King Henry
the 8.
builded a stately and beautifull
house thereupon, giving it to name,
Bridewell, of the Parish and Well there.
This house he purposely builded for the
entertainmēt of the Emp. Charles the 5.
who in the yeere 1522. came into this
Citie, as I have shewed in my Summa
rie, Annales, and large Chronicles.
On the North-west side of this Citie,
neere unto Redcrosse-street, there was a
Tower, commonly called Barbican, or
Burhkenning, for that the same, being
placed on an high ground, and also buil
ded of some good height, was (in old
time) used as a Watch-Tower for the
Citie, from whence a man might be
hold and view the whole Citie towards
the South, and also into Kent, Sussex
and Surrey, and likewise every other
way, East, North, or West.
Some other Burhkennings or Watch-Towers
there were of old time, in and
about the Citie, all which were repay
red, yea and others new builded, by Gil
bert de Clare
, Earle of Gloucester, in the
reigne of King Henry the third, when the
Barons were in Armes, and held the Ci
tie against the King. But the Barons
being reconciled to his favour, in the
yeere 1267. he caused all their Burhken
nings
, Watch-Towers, and Bulwarkes,
made and repaired by the said Earle, to
be plucked downe, and the ditches to
be filled up, so that nought of them
might seeme to remaine.
The de
struction of the Bar
bicun
.
And then was
this Burhkenning, amongst the rest, over
throwne and destroyed: and although
the ditch neere thereunto, then called
Hounds-ditch, was stopped up, yet the
street (of long time after) was called
Hounds-ditch, and of late time (more
commonly) called Barbican. The plot
or seat of this Burhkëning or watch-tow
er, King Edward the third, in the yeere
1336. the tenth of his reigne, gave unto
Robert Vfford, Earle of Suffolke, by the
name of his Mannor of Base-court, in the
Parish of S. Giles without Creplegate of
London, commonly called the Barbican.
Tower Royall was of old time the kings
house, King Stephen was there lodged;
but since called the Queenes Ward
robe
. The Princesse,30 mother to King Ri
chard
the 2
. in the 4. of his reigne, was
lodged there, being forced to fly frō the
Tower of London, when the Rebels pos
sessed it. But on the 15. of Iune, (saith
Frosard) Wat Tylar being slaine,
Iob. Frosard
the King
went

Of Schooles and Houses of Learning.

went to this Lady Princesse his mother,
then lodged in the Tower Royall, called
the Queenes Wardrobe, where shee
had tarried two dayes and two nights:
which Tower (saith the Record of Ed
ward
the third
, the thirty sixth yeere
)
was in the Parishe of the Saint Michael de
Pater noster
, &c.
In the yeere 1386. King Richard with
Queene Anne his wife,
Lib. S. in Eborum.
kept their
Christmas at Eltham, whither came to
him Lion King of Ermonie,
The King of Ermonie came into England.
under pre
tence to reforme peace betwixt the
Kings of England and France; but what
his comming profited, he onely under
stood. For, besides innumerable gifts
that he received of the King and of the
Nobles, the King lying then in this
Tower Royall,
Richard 2. lodged in the Tower Royall.
or the Queenes Ward
robe
in London, granted to him a Char
ter, of a thousand pounds by yeere du
ring his life. He was, as hee affirmed,
chased out of his Kingdome by the Tar
tarians
. More concerning this Tower
shall you read, when you come to the
Vintry Ward, in which it standeth.
Sernes Tower in Bucklersberie, was
sometimes the Kings house. Edward
the third
, in the eighteenth yeere of his
reigne
, appointed his Exchange of
monies therein to be kept, and in the
two and thirtieth, hee gave the same
Tower to his free Chappell of S. Ste
phen
at Westminster
.

Notes

  1. I.e., Tower Ditch. (JZ)
  2. I.e., Tower Ditch. (JZ)
  3. Stow most likely means Robert Passelewe. (JZ)
  4. Stow mentions this same event in Queenhithe Ward where Henry Brahe is called Henry of Bath. (JZ)
  5. I.e., Eleanor of Provence. (JZ)
  6. I.e., London Bridge. (JZ)
  7. I.e., William Hastings. (JZ)
  8. There is a lack of consensus among early modern historiographers and modern historians on when regnal years begin and end. Cheney and Holinshed reckon that this date occurred in 1551, while Stow reckons that this date occurred in 1550. We have given preference here to Stow’s interpretation but readers should be aware that other interpretations exist. See MoEML’s Regnal Calendar or Cheney for more information. (JZ)
  9. There is a lack of consensus among early modern historiographers and modern historians on when regnal years begin and end. Cheney and Holinshed reckon that this date occurred in 1551, while Stow reckons that this date occurred in 1550. We have given preference here to Stow’s interpretation but readers should be aware that other interpretations exist. See MoEML’s Regnal Calendar or Cheney for more information. (JZ)
  10. There is a lack of consensus among early modern historiographers and modern historians on when regnal years begin and end. Cheney and Holinshed reckon that this date occurred in 1551, while Stow reckons that this date occurred in 1550. We have given preference here to Stow’s interpretation but readers should be aware that other interpretations exist. See MoEML’s Regnal Calendar or Cheney for more information. (JZ)
  11. The evening before the Feast of Corpus Christi. (JZ)
  12. Celebrated on the Thursday after Trinity Sunday, anywhere between May 21 and June 24. (JZ)
  13. Although historical accounts of this event differ, Stow’s attribution of this service to John Cavendish is most likely incorrect. According to ODNB, Cavendish was not with Richard II at this June 15, 1381 meeting with Wat Tyler but was beheaded by other rebels at Lakenheath the day before (ODNB Cavendish, Sir John). (JZ)
  14. It is possible that Stow is mistaken here. The ODNB states that the member of the royal party who mortally wounded Tyler, in addition to Sir William Walworth, was Sir Ralph Standish, an act that could have merited Standish a knighthood (ODNB Tyler, Walter [Wat]). Given the confusion of the historical accounts of this event, it is unclear whether there was a John and a Ralph Standish knighted at Smithfield by Richard II or if Stow is mistaken and it was only Ralph Standish. We have chosen to leave this name untagged and provide this note in lieu of a definite attribution. (JZ)
  15. I.e., Richard of Shrewsbury. (JZ)
  16. I.e., Drawbridge Tower. (JZ)
  17. I.e., Bridge Gate. (JZ)
  18. I.e., forfeiture. (JZ)
  19. Stow is mistaken here. According to ODNB, Gilbert of Clare was Robert fitz Richard’s grandfather, not his father (See ODNB entry for Robert Fitzwalter). (JZ)
  20. Robert Fitzwalter actually died in 1235 (See ODNB entry for Robert Fitzwalter). (JZ)
  21. I.e., Robert de Ferrers. (JZ)
  22. Stow is mistaken here. According to ODNB, Lord Robert Fitzwalter’s son, Walter, predeceased him and had no children, making his other son, Sir Robert Fitzwalter, his heir (ODNB Fitzwalter family). This Robert may be the one here mentioned by Stow whose right and that of his heirs to Baynard’s Castle was recognized by the citizens of London in 1320. (JZ)
  23. Stow is mistaken here. The son of Sir Robert Fitzwalter was Lord John Fitzwalter, the second Lord Fitzwalter. Lord John Fitzwalter’s son and heir was named Walter Fitzwalter (ODNB Fitzwalter family). It is uncertain who Stow here means by Robert Fitzrobert, Fitzwalter. (JZ)
  24. Lord Fitzwalter here could indicate the first Lord Fitzwalter, Lord Robert Fitzwalter, who died in 1326, or Lord John Fitzwalter, who died in 1361 (ODNB Fitzwalter family). (JZ)
  25. I.e., Richard Woodville. (JZ)
  26. Damage to page; missing letters inferred by context (JZ)
  27. I.e., William Herbert. (JZ)
  28. I.e., Francis Talbot. (JZ)
  29. I.e., William Herbert. (JZ)
  30. I.e., Joan of Kent. (JZ)

References

Cite this page

MLA citation

Stow, John, Anthony Munday, Anthony Munday, and Humphrey Dyson. Survey of London (1633): Towers. The Map of Early Modern London, Edition 6.6, edited by Janelle Jenstad, U of Victoria, 30 Jun. 2021, mapoflondon.uvic.ca/edition/6.6/stow_1633_towers.htm. Draft.

Chicago citation

Stow, John, Anthony Munday, Anthony Munday, and Humphrey Dyson. Survey of London (1633): Towers. The Map of Early Modern London, Edition 6.6. Ed. Janelle Jenstad. Victoria: University of Victoria. Accessed June 30, 2021. mapoflondon.uvic.ca/edition/6.6/stow_1633_towers.htm. Draft.

APA citation

Stow, J., Munday, A., Munday, A., & Dyson, H. 2021. Survey of London (1633): Towers. In J. Jenstad (Ed), The Map of Early Modern London (Edition 6.6). Victoria: University of Victoria. Retrieved from https://mapoflondon.uvic.ca/editions/6.6/stow_1633_towers.htm. Draft.

RIS file (for RefMan, RefWorks, EndNote etc.)

Provider: University of Victoria
Database: The Map of Early Modern London
Content: text/plain; charset="utf-8"

TY  - ELEC
A1  - Stow, John
A1  - Munday, Anthony
A1  - Munday, Anthony
A1  - Dyson, Humphrey
ED  - Jenstad, Janelle
T1  - Survey of London (1633): Towers
T2  - The Map of Early Modern London
ET  - 6.6
PY  - 2021
DA  - 2021/06/30
CY  - Victoria
PB  - University of Victoria
LA  - English
UR  - https://mapoflondon.uvic.ca/edition/6.6/stow_1633_towers.htm
UR  - https://mapoflondon.uvic.ca/edition/6.6/xml/standalone/stow_1633_towers.xml
TY  - UNP
ER  - 

TEI citation

<bibl type="mla"><author><name ref="#STOW6"><surname>Stow</surname>, <forename>John</forename></name></author>, <author><name ref="#MUND1"><forename>Anthony</forename> <surname>Munday</surname></name></author>, <author><name ref="#MUND1"><forename>Anthony</forename> <surname>Munday</surname></name></author>, and <author><name ref="#DYSO1"><forename>Humphrey</forename> <surname>Dyson</surname></name></author>. <title level="a">Survey of London (1633): Towers</title>. <title level="m">The Map of Early Modern London</title>, Edition <edition>6.6</edition>, edited by <editor><name ref="#JENS1"><forename>Janelle</forename> <surname>Jenstad</surname></name></editor>, <publisher>U of Victoria</publisher>, <date when="2021-06-30">30 Jun. 2021</date>, <ref target="https://mapoflondon.uvic.ca/edition/6.6/stow_1633_towers.htm">mapoflondon.uvic.ca/edition/6.6/stow_1633_towers.htm</ref>. Draft.</bibl>

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