Leadenhall
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Leadenhall
Location, Purpose, and Significance
(Student Project)
Leadenhall Market was located at the junction of Cornhill and Gracechurch
Streets. On the Agas Copperplate (1557) and Braun and Hogenberg maps
(1572), Leadenhall (sometimes labeled
Ledden hall) is featured as an open, square courtyard structure with four towers at each corner (Prockter and Taylor 25). This large, central building functioned as a market, a granary, a storage facility, and a mustering place. It is known to students of pageantry as the place where the pageants were stored between days of triumph, and to students of English Renaissance drama as the building that Simon Eyre promises to refurbish at the end of The Shoemakers’ Holiday.
Leadenhall in Roman and Medieval London
(Graduate Student Project)
The Leadenhall area is, according to classicist John Morris, the most
excavated and best understood place in Roman London (99). When Sir Horace
Jones began excavations to rebuild Leadenhall market in 1881–82, the
architect unwittingly discovered part of a Roman basilica that was buried
beneath the original seventh-century building (Hanson 15; see also LAARC
GM351 and GM326). In fact, further excavations undertaken in the 1930s
revealed that Leadenhall market covered the east side of a 153.924 by 45.72
metre basilica (Hanson 15), which lay north of a 152.4 metre open forum that
stretched east bordering Leadenhall Street and extended south to Fenchurch
Street (Marsden 99). (For a detailed map of the Roman forum and its
developments, see Marsden 101–02. See also LAARC LLMO1.)
Built in approximately 120 CE and totaling 29,392 square meters (Marsden 99),
the forum was the largest centre of commerce in Roman Britain. Aisled and
linked with colonnaded halls, the forum had offices and food stalls situated
around the southwest and east sides of the courtyard. It was the central
meeting place for both local and foreign merchants. As Alan Sorrel concludes
in his description of the Leadenhall site, the basilica handled all the
administrative and legal functions of the state(48). Far from a simple marketplace, the Roman forum and basilica represented, as Mary Cathcart Borer writes in her history of London, the
heart of business life of the city(19).
While numerous fragments of Roman walls and Italic pottery have been
uncovered at Leadenhall, archaeologists know little about the Leadenhall
site in Anglo-Saxon and Norman London. Scholars do reason that a building
must have occupied the site (Gomme 94). The earliest mention of Leadenhall
market occurs in 1296 and refers to a mansion built by Sir Hugh Neville.
Neville constructed the mansion around a courtyard that opened onto
Leadenhall Street (Thomas 122–23). Although the origin of the name
Leadenhall is uncertain, scholars believe that the name is derived from
the mansion’s lead-based roof (Picard 49; Weinreb, Hibbert, Fleay, and Fleay
477). Stow’s research told him that
in the yeare 1309,Leadenhall
belonged to Sir Hugh Neuill knight, and that the Ladie Alice his widow made a feofment thereof, by the name of Leaden hall Gap in transcription. Reason: Editorial omission for reasons of length or relevance. Use only in quotations in born-digital documents.[…] to Richard Earle of Arundell and Surrey, 1362(150–63).
The function of Leadenhall changed over its early history. Leadhall Market
was initially a food market. The courtyard was a meeting place for
poulterers, and, according to Felix Barker and Peter Jackson,
all poultry brought to London had first to be taken to Leadenhall for sale(71). In 1397, cheesemongers began selling their foodstuff at Leadenhall (History). Leadenhall had also been used to store and sell provisions for the city. In 1411 the City of London acquired Leadenhall in order to establish the site formally as a food market and granary (Picard 148; Stow 150–63 [BHO]; Archer, Barron, and Harding 4). When Simon Eyre, Lord Mayor of London, undertook to improve Leadenhall as a civic project, he envisioned the site as an important public space. Alongside the open-market courtyard, Eyre commissioned a chapel to be built and requested in his will that Leadenhall become a school. Partially financed by Eyre, Leadenhall not only functioned as a common place for trade, but it also served as an example of public charity (Barron). In The Chronicles of England, John Stow remarks that Eyre was
doing ſo notable a worke for the common weale, alſo left example to other Citizens comming after him, whõ God likewiſe exalteth with ſuch temporall bleſſings(sig. 2S5r). Completed in 1455, Leadenhall quickly grew as a primary centre for trade in the city as people began selling dairy products, wool (1463), leather (1488), and other wares. In 1503, the commons of the city requested that more wares should be sold in Leadenhall Market, such as linen cloth and ironwork (Stow; BHO). Thus from the early fourteenth century to the early sixteenth centuries, Leadenhall Market expanded from a common market for the sale of foods to a general market that sold meat, poultry, grain, and other merchandize such as leather and wool. (See also Archer, Barron, and Harding 5, 88.)
Leadenhall in Early Modern London
Just as it had expanded Eastcheap market, the City maintained Leadenhall as
an important centre of commerce. In A Survey of
London, Stow provides a lengthy description and history of
Leadenhall, thus suggesting the site’s importance to London life. Stow also
recalls Leadenhall’s structure:
The vſe of Leaden Hall in my youth was thus: In a part of the North quadrant on the Eaſt ſide of the North gate, was the common beames for weighing of wooll, and other wares, as had béene accuſtomed: on the weſt ſide the gate was the ſcales to way meale: the other thrée ſides were reſerued for the moſt part to the making and reſting of the pageants ſhewed at midſommer in the watch: the remnant of the ſides and quadrantes were imployed for the ſtowage of wooll ſackes, but not cloſed vp: the lofts aboue were partly vſed by the painters in working for the decking of pageants and other deuiſes, for beautifying of the watch and watchmen, the reſidue of the loftes were letten out to marchantes, the wooll winders and packers therein to wind and pack their wools. (sig. J6r)
Archaeologist Christopher Thomas observes that the ground floor (partially
covered with arcades around the perimeter) was a common market selling
butter, cheese, poultry, grain, victuals, and eggs. The first and second
floors were used to store grain for the City, and a spiral staircase was
situated at each corner to allow sacks of grain to be transported up and
down (124). (For a detailed plan of Leadenhall in early modern London, see
Thomas 123.) On the Agas Copperplate (1557), and Braun and Hogenberg maps
(1572), Leadenhall (sometimes labeled
Ledden hall) is featured as an open, square courtyard structure with four towers at each corner. Scales for weighing meal and the chapel also appear on each map (Prockter and Taylor 25).
Early Modern Leadenhall as a Place of Trade
Leadenhall’s importance as a centre for trade is demonstrated by the numerous
negotiations regarding the use and governance of the site. In 1503, for
example, the City council held a meeting to discuss the function of
Leadenhall. As London continued to grow over the sixteenth century, an
increasing number of foreigners traveled to the city to sell their wares. In
an effort to control this influx of people, the City agreed to turn
Leadenhall into a foreign market – the only market where newcomers could
trade without penalty. In A Survey of London, Stow recounts that foreigners
could sell their merchandise on Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday (sig. J4r),
although, as Liza Picard notes, the City revoked the foreigners’ rights to
sell on Wednesday in 1564 (148; ). In addition, foreigners had to pay higher
rent and storage charges than Londoners (Stow sig. J4r). In 1519, Londoners
petitioned to maintain Leadenhall as a public site (Gomme 94), and the site
was briefly considered by the London merchants as their primary
meeting-place. Although the merchants made multiple requests to the City to
transform Leadenhall into a burse, they were denied purchase of the site.
The merchants (led by Sir Thomas Gresham) eventually settled on the Royal
Exchange, and Leadenhall remained as an open public market (Picard 149).
While certain tradesmen, such as foreigners, could sell only on specific
days, other sellers were permitted to sell each market day. In his
historiography A Chronicle of the Kings of Britain, Sir Richard Baker
recounts that the City passed a statute in 1532 allowing butchers to erect
permanent stalls at Leadenhall:
Butchers ſhould ſell their meat by weight, Beef for a half-peny the pound, and Mutton for three farthings, alſo at this time forraigne Butchers were permitted, their fleſh in Leadenhall-market, which before was not allowed(sig. 3H4r). But not every company was pleased with the City’s market policies. In 1662, the clothiers published a formal complaint regarding an act passed by the City. Specifically, clothiers could sell their clothes only for a maximum of twenty days in Leadenhall and Blackwell markets. The City also raised the storage charge for clothiers and required that factors gain the approval of the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen before selling their wares (D. S. sig. A1r). The author’s lengthy argument against these claims, coupled with the policies passed to allow butchers to sell their meat, suggest that Leadenhall was essential to London’s growing economy and the livelihood of its citizens.
Early Modern Leadenhall as a Storage Facility
as John Norden writes, Leadenhall was
a place of prouiſion, or store houſe for releefe for the poore in time of dearth(sig. F2v)
Perhaps due to its spaciousness, Leadenhall Market was used as a place of
storage. Besides grain, it stored timbers for reparation of tenements,
artilleries, guns, and other armors for the safeguard and possible defense
of the city (Stow 150–63). Guns were stored in the Market since at least
1484, since Stow indicates that in the fire of 1484 Leadenhall Market
suffered from a great loss, including
all the stockes for Guns(150–63). Sacks of wool were stored in the
remnants of sides and quadrantsof Leadenhall Market (Stow 150–63). It was responsible for keeping the donated largess and dole for the poor as well (Stow 150–63).
Early Modern Leadenhall as a Mustering and Assembling Ground
Leadenhall functioned as a place for assembly. Because its
location near the major east-west route and the major north-south route
through the city made for a direct march towas at the pivot of Aldgate,
Newgate, Bishopsgate and London Bridge, the city could be mustered in
Leadenhall for military purposes. Stow comments that
there is none so conuenient meete and necessarie a place to assemble them in, within the saide citie, as the saide Leaden hall, both for largenes of roome, and for their sure defence in time of their counselling togither about the premises(150–63). In his A London Provisioner’s Chronicle, 1550–1563 , John Henry Machyn records that
my lord mayor did warn all the crafts to bring in their men in harness to Leadenhall with pikes and guns and bows and bills in blue cloaks bordered with red(1562-09-18). When
any triumph or nobleness were to be done(Stow 150–63), Leadenhall Market was used to prepare and order celebration. About the year 1534, the Market had been used as a place as a burse for merchants’ assembly for a very short time. However, this function ceased according to the mayor’s order in 1535—the burse should remain in Lombard Street (Stow 150–63).
Literary Leadenhall
As an integral part of London life, Leadenhall was featured in various
pageants and plays. Leadenhall was situated on the royal procession route,
so it was a main location for pageants. In A Chronicle of England, Stow
describes the pageant at Leadenhall presented to Queen Anne Boleyn as she
progressed to her royal coronation:
From thence the Quéene wyth hir traine paſſed to Leaden hall, where was a goodly Pageaunte with a tipe and heauenly Roſe, and vnder the tippe was a goodly roote of Golde, ſette on a little mountaine enuironed wyth red Roſes and white, oute of the typpe came downe a Faulcon all whyte, and ſette vppon the roote, and incontinent came downe an Angel wyth greate melodie, and ſette a cloſe Crowne of Gold on the Faulcons head: and in the ſame Pageant ſate Saint Anne wyth all hir iſſue beneath hir: and vnder Mary Cleophe ſate hir foure children, of the whiche chyldren, one made a goodlye Oration to the Quéen of the fruitefulneſſe of Saint Anne, and of hir generation, truſting, that lyke fruite ſhoulde come of hir. (3L4r-3L4v)
Midsummer pageants were also held at Leadenhall. When the City prepared for
processions, pageants, or festivals, they also used Leadenhall’s second
floor as both a year-round storage area and as a place where painters,
carpenters, and other craftsmen could prepare for the upcoming festivities
(Thomas 124; Stow Survey sig. J6r).
In his 1597 work of prose fiction, The Gentle Craft, Thomas Deloney recounts
not only Simon Eyre’s construction of Leadenhall, but also his motivation to
create a space specifically for shoemakers. Eyre declared, Deloney writes,
that in the middeſt thereof there ſhould bée a Market place kept euery Monday for Leather, where the Shoomakers of London, for their more eaſe, might buy of the Tanners, without ſéeking any further(sig. J4r). Although Dekker draws largely on Deloney’s work in his 1599 play The Shoemaker’s Holiday, Dekker significantly re-fashions Leadenhall’s history by allowing the king to name the site:
We’ll have it called / The Leaden Hall, because in digging it / You found the lead that covereth the same(21.132–35). The king also illustrates his supremacy by passing policies regarding Leadenhall’s business. Speaking for the plight of his fellow shoemakers, Eyre requests privileged selling days so shoemakers can sell leather at Leadenhall. The king subsequently grants the shoemakers the right
[t]o hold two market days in Leaden Hall. / Mondays and Fridays(21.161–62). As we know, Leadenhall was a public building owned by the City. If the king wished to pass any policies regarding the marketplace, he would have had to consult the City council first. By allowing the king to name and pass policies regarding Leadenhall, Dekker effectively reinforces the king’s power as the national sovereign (over and above that of the Lord Mayor), and displays his ability to control the nation’s market economy.
Later History
Leadenhall continued to prosper as a central marketplace until the fire of
1666. While the fire damaged only sections of Leadenhall, the City
re-constructed the building soon after and divided it into three sections,
the beef market, the green yard, and the herb market. In 1881, the building
was destroyed once more and reconstructed by Sir Horace Jones in a luxurious
Victorian style. Recently, Leadenhall was featured as Diagon Alley in the
2001 film Harry Potter and the Philosopher’s Stone (
History). Still a marketplace, Leadenhall thus remains a central place of business, cultural heritage, and imagination in London today.
More Information
See also: Modern Leadenhall’s own history
page; Leadenhall’s current location
map.
References
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Citation
Samuel, Mark.The Fifteenth-Century Garner at Leadenhall, London.
Antiquaries Journal 69.1 (1989): 119–153. doi:10.1017/S0003581500043444.This item is cited in the following documents:
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Citation
Stow, John. A Survey of London. Reprinted from the Text of 1603. Ed. Charles Lethbridge Kingsford. 2 vols. Oxford: Clarendon, 1908. Remediated by British History Online.This item is cited in the following documents:
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Citation
Thomas, Arthur Hermann.Notes on the History of the Leadenhall, A.D. 1195–1488.
London Topographical Record 13 (1923): 1–22. [City of London Libraries Catalogue.]This item is cited in the following documents:
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Leadenhall.The Map of Early Modern London, edited by , U of Victoria, 26 Jun. 2020, mapoflondon.uvic.ca/LEAD101.htm.
Chicago citation
Leadenhall.The Map of Early Modern London. Ed. . Victoria: University of Victoria. Accessed June 26, 2020. https://mapoflondon.uvic.ca/LEAD101.htm.
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Provider: University of Victoria Database: The Map of Early Modern London Content: text/plain; charset="utf-8" TY - ELEC A1 - Patterson, Serina A1 - Zheng, Can ED - Jenstad, Janelle T1 - Leadenhall T2 - The Map of Early Modern London PY - 2020 DA - 2020/06/26 CY - Victoria PB - University of Victoria LA - English UR - https://mapoflondon.uvic.ca/LEAD101.htm UR - https://mapoflondon.uvic.ca/xml/standalone/LEAD101.xml ER -
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RT Web Page SR Electronic(1) A1 Patterson, Serina A1 Zheng, Can A6 Jenstad, Janelle T1 Leadenhall T2 The Map of Early Modern London WP 2020 FD 2020/06/26 RD 2020/06/26 PP Victoria PB University of Victoria LA English OL English LK https://mapoflondon.uvic.ca/LEAD101.htm
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Jenstad, Janelle.
Building a Gazetteer for Early Modern London, 1550-1650.
Placing Names. Ed. Merrick Lex Berman, Ruth Mostern, and Humphrey Southall. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana UP, 2016. 129-145. -
Jenstad, Janelle.
The Burse and the Merchant’s Purse: Coin, Credit, and the Nation in Heywood’s 2 If You Know Not Me You Know Nobody.
The Elizabethan Theatre XV. Ed. C.E. McGee and A.L. Magnusson. Toronto: P.D. Meany, 2002. 181–202. Print. -
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Early Modern Literary Studies 8.2 (2002): 5.1–26..The City Cannot Hold You
: Social Conversion in the Goldsmith’s Shop. -
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The Silver Society Journal 10 (1998): 40–43.The Gouldesmythes Storehowse
: Early Evidence for Specialisation. -
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Lying-in Like a Countess: The Lisle Letters, the Cecil Family, and A Chaste Maid in Cheapside.
Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 34 (2004): 373–403. doi:10.1215/10829636–34–2–373. -
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Public Glory, Private Gilt: The Goldsmiths’ Company and the Spectacle of Punishment.
Institutional Culture in Early Modern Society. Ed. Anne Goldgar and Robert Frost. Leiden: Brill, 2004. 191–217. Print. -
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Smock Secrets: Birth and Women’s Mysteries on the Early Modern Stage.
Performing Maternity in Early Modern England. Ed. Katherine Moncrief and Kathryn McPherson. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007. 87–99. Print. -
Jenstad, Janelle.
Using Early Modern Maps in Literary Studies: Views and Caveats from London.
GeoHumanities: Art, History, Text at the Edge of Place. Ed. Michael Dear, James Ketchum, Sarah Luria, and Doug Richardson. London: Routledge, 2011. Print. -
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Versioning John Stow’s A Survey of London, or, What’s New in 1618 and 1633?.
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Shakespeare, William. The Merchant of Venice. Ed. Janelle Jenstad. Internet Shakespeare Editions. Open.
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Stow, John. A SVRVAY OF LONDON. Contayning the Originall, Antiquity, Increase, Moderne estate, and description of that Citie, written in the yeare 1598. by Iohn Stow Citizen of London. Also an Apologie (or defence) against the opinion of some men, concerning that Citie, the greatnesse thereof. With an Appendix, containing in Latine, Libellum de situ & nobilitate Londini: written by William Fitzstephen, in the raigne of Henry the second. Ed. Janelle Jenstad and the MoEML Team. MoEML. Transcribed. Web.
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Serina Patterson
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At the time of her contribution to MoEML, Serina Patterson was an MA student in English at the University of Victoria. She is now a PhD student at the University of British Columbia with research interests in late medieval literature, game studies, and digital humanities. She is also the recipient of the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada CGS Joseph-Bombardier Scholarship and a four-year fellowship at UBC for her work in Middle English and Middle French game poems. She has published articles in New Knowledge Environments and LIBER Quarterly-The Journal of European Research Libraries on implementing an online library system for digital-age youth. She also has a forthcoming article in Studies in Philology and a chapter on casual games and medievalism in a contributed volume published by Routledge. She is currently editing a forthcoming contributed volume titled Games and Gaming in Medieval Literature for the Palgrave series, The New Middle Ages. In addition to her academic work, Serina is a web developer for the Electronic Textual Cultures Lab at the University of Victoria and owner of her own web design studio, Sprightly Innovations.Roles played in the project
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Author
Contributions by this author
Serina Patterson is mentioned in the following documents:
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Martin D. Holmes
MDH
Programmer at the University of Victoria Humanities Computing and Media Centre (HCMC). Martin ported the MOL project from its original PHP incarnation to a pure eXist database implementation in the fall of 2011. Since then, he has been lead programmer on the project and has also been responsible for maintaining the project schemas. He was a co-applicant on MoEML’s 2012 SSHRC Insight Grant.Roles played in the project
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Abstract Author
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Author
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Author of abstract
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Conceptor
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Encoder
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Markup editor
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Name Encoder
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Post-conversion and Markup Editor
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Post-conversion processing and markup correction
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Programmer
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Proofreader
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Researcher
Contributions by this author
Martin D. Holmes is a member of the following organizations and/or groups:
Martin D. Holmes is mentioned in the following documents:
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Can Zheng
CZ
Student contributor enrolled in English 520: Representations of London at the University of Victoria in Summer 2011. MA student, English.Roles played in the project
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Author
Contributions by this author
Can Zheng is mentioned in the following documents:
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Sir Simon Eyre is mentioned in the following documents:
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Simon Eyre
Dramatic character in Thomas Dekker’s The Shoemaker’s Holiday.Simon Eyre is mentioned in the following documents:
Locations
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Leadenhall is mentioned in the following documents:
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Leadenhall Street
Leadenhall Street ran east-west from Cornhill Street to Aldgate Street. All three form part of the same road from Aldgate to Cheapside (Weinreb and Hibbert 462). The street acquired its name from Leadenhall, a onetime house and later a market. The building was reportedly famous for having a leaden roof (Bebbington 197).Leadenhall Street is mentioned in the following documents:
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Leaden Porch is mentioned in the following documents:
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Leadenhall Market is mentioned in the following documents: