Survey of London (1633): An Apology of the City of London

of the City of London. A DISCOVRSE OF THE NAMES AND FIRST CAVSES OF THE INSTITVTION of Cities and peopled Townes: And of the commodities that doe grow by the same: and namely, of the City of LONDON. Written by way of an Apology (or defence) against the opinion of some men, which thinke that the greatnesse of that City standeth not with the profit and security of this Realme.

CIties and well peopled places be called Oppida in Latine, either ab ope danda, or ab opibus, or ab opponendo se hostibus. They bee named also Civitates a coëundo, and (urbes) either of the word urbare, because the first inclosure of them was described with the draught of a Plow, or else ab orbe, for the round compasse that they at the first had.

In the Greek a City is tearmed foreign , either of the word foreign , multus, or of foreign , id est, habitare, alere, gubernare.

In the Saxon (or old English) sometimes Tun, which we now call Towne, derived of the word Tynan, to enclose or tyne, as some yet speake. But for as much as that word was proper to every Village, and inclosed dwelling, therefore our Ancestors called their walled Townes, Buforeignh or Biforeigni foreign, and we now Bury and Borow, of the Greeke word foreign , (as I thinke) which signifieth a Tower or a high building.

The walls of these Townes had their name of vallum, because at the first they were but of that earth which was cast out of the trench, or ditch wherewith they were environed.

But afterward, being made of matter more fit for defence, they were named A muniendo maenia. By the Etymologie of these names it may appeare, that Common Weales, Cities and Townes were at first invented, to the end that men might lead a civill life amongst themselves, and be saved harmelesse against their enemies: Whereupon Plato saith, Civitates ab initio utilitatis causa constitutae sunt. Aristotle, 1. Politicorum 2. saith, Civitas à natura profecta est: homo enim animal aptum est ad coetus, & proinde civitatis origo ad vivendum, institutio ad bene vivendum refertur. And Cicero, lib. primo de inventione, in the beginning saith, Fuit quoddam tempus cùm in agris homines passim bestiarum more vagabantur, &c. quo quidem tempore, quidam (magnus viz. vir & sapiens) dispersos homines in agris, & tectis silvestribus abditos, ratione quadam compulit in unum locum, at{que} eos in unamquam{que} rem induxit utilem & honestam. Vrbibus vero constitutis fidem colere, & justitiam retinere discebant, & aliis parere sua voluntate consuescebant, &c. The same man discourseth notably to the same effect, in his Oration Pro Sestio, a little after the middest thereof, shewing that in the life of men dispersed, vis, beareth all the sway: but in the civill life and society, ars, is Nnn3better An Apologie better maintained, &c. This thing well saw King William the Conqueror, who in his lawes, folio 125. saith, Burgi & Civitates fundata, & edificata sunt, ad tuitionem gentium & populorum Regni, & idcirco observari debent cum omni libertate, integritate & ratione. And his Predecessors, King Ethelstane, and King Canutus in their Lawes, fol. 62. and 106. had commanded thus: Oppida instaurantur, &c.

Seeing therefore that as Cicero, 2. officior. saith, Proxime & secundum Deos, homines hominibus maxime utiles esse possunt. And that men are congregated into Cities and Common-wealths, for honesty and utilities sake, these shortly be the commodities that doe come by Cities, Cōminalties, and Corporations. First, men by this neerenesse of conversation, are withdrawne from barbarous ferity and force, to a certaine mildnesse of manners and to humanity and justice: whereby they are contented to give and take right, to and from their equals and inferiors, and to heare and obey their heads and superiors. Also the Doctrine of God is more fitly delivered, and the discipline thereof more aptly to be executed, in peopled Towns than abroad, by reason of the facility of common and often assembling. And consequently, such inhabitants bee better managed in order, and better instructed in wisedome: whereof it came to passe that at the first, they that excelled others this way, were called Astuti, of the Greeke word foreign , which signifieth a City, although the terme bee now declined to the worst part, and doe betoken evill, even as Tyrannus Sophista, and some such other originally good words are fallen: And hereof also good behavior is yet called Vrbanitas, because it is rather found in Cities, than elsewhere. In some, by often hearing, men be better perswaded in Religion, and for that they live in the eye of others, they bee by example the more easily trained to justice, and by shamefastnesse restrained from injury.

And whereas Commonwealths and Kingdomes cannot have, next after God, any surer foundation, than the love and good will of one man towards another, that also is closely bred and maintained in Cities, where men by mutuall society and companying together, doe grow to alliances, Comminalties and Corporations.

The liberall sciences and learnings of all sorts, which bee Iumina reipublicae, doe flourish onely in peopled Townes, without the which a Realme is in no better case than a man that lacketh both his eyes.

Manual Arts or handy crafts, as they have for the most part been invented in Townes and Cities, so they cannot any where else bee either maintained or amended. The like is to bee said of Merchandize, under which name I comprehend all manner of buying, selling, bartering, exchanging, communicating of things that men need to and fro. Wealth and riches, which are truely called, Subsidia belli, & ornamenta pacis, are increased chifely in Townes and Cities, both to the Prince and people.

The necessity of the poore and needy is in such places both sooner to be espied, and hath meanes to be more charitably relieved.

The places themselves be surer refuges, in all extremities of forrain invasion, and the inhabitants be a ready hand and strength of men with munition to oppresse intestine sedition.

Moreover, for as much as the force of the warres of our time consisteth chiefly in shot, all other Souldiers being either horse-men or footmen, armed on land, or Mariners at the Sea: It seemeth to me, that Citizens and Townesmen be as fit to bee imploied in any of these services, that on horse backe onely excepted, as the inhabitants that bee drawne out of the Country.

Furthermore, even as these societies and assemblies of men in Cities and great Townes, are a continuall bridle against tyranny, which was the cause that Tarquin, Nero, Dionisius, and such others have alwaies sought to weaken them. So, being well tempered, they are a strong fort and Bulwarke not only in the Aristocritie, but also in the Lawfull Kingdome or just royalty.

At once propagation of the Religiō, the execution of good policy, the exercise of charity, and the defence of the coun trey, of the City of London. is best performed by Townes and Citties: and this civill life approacheth neerest to the shape of that mysticall body whereof Christ is the head, and men be the members: whereupon both at the first, that man of God Moses, in the common wealth of the Israelites, and the Governours of all Countries in all ages sithence, have continually maintained the same. And to change it, were nothing else but to Metamorphose the world, and to make wilde beasts of reasonable men. To stand longer upon this, it were in re non dubia, uti oratione non necessaria; and therefore I will come to London.

The Singularities of the City of LONDON.

WHatsoever is said of Cities generally, maketh also for LONDON specially: Howbei t these things are particularly for our purpose to bee considered in it. The situation; the former estimation that it hath had; the service that it hath done; the present estate and government of it, and such benefits as doe grow to the Realme by the maintenance thereof.

This Realme hath onely three principall Rivers, whereon a Royall City may well bee situated: Trent in the North, Severne in the South-West, and Thames in the South-East: of the which, Thames, both for the strait course in length, reacheth furthest into the belly of the land; and for the breadth and stilnesse of the water, is most navigable up and downe the streame: by reason whereof, London standing almost in the middle of that course, is more commodiously served with provision of necessaries, then any Towne standing upon the other two Rivers can be, and doth also more easily communicate to the rest of the Realme, the commodities of her owne entercourse and trafficke.

This River openeth indifferently upon France and Flanders, our mightiest neighbours, to whose doings we ought to have a bent eye and speciall regard: and this City standeth thereon in such convenient distance from the Sea, as it is not onely neere enough for intelligence of the affaires of those Princes, and for the resistance of their attempts: but also sufficiently removed from the feare of any sudden dangers that may be offered by them: whereas for the Prince of this Realme to dwell upon Trent, were to turne his backe, or blind side, to his most dangerous borderers: and for him to rest and dwell upon Severne, were to be shut up in a cumbersome corner, which openeth but upon Ireland only, a place of much lesse importance.

Neither could London be pitched so commodiously upon any other part of the same River of Thames, as where it now standeth. For if it were removed more to the West, it should lose the benefit of the ebbing and flowing: and if it were seated more towards the East, it should bee neerer to danger of the enemy, and further both from the good Ayre, and from doing good to the inner parts of the Realme: neither may I omit, that none other place is so plentifully watered with springs, as London is.

And whereas amongst other things, Corne and Cattell, Hay and Fuell bee of great necessity: of the which, Cattell may bee driven from afarre, and Corne may easily be transported. But Hay and Fuell, being of greater bulke and burthen, must be had at hand: only London, by the benefit of this situation and River, may bee sufficiently served therewith. In which respect and Alderman of London reasonably (as mee thought) affirmed, that although London received great nourishment by the residence of the Prince, the repaire of the Parliament, and Courts of Iustice, yet it stood principally by the advantage of the situation upon the River: for when as on a time it was told him by a Courtier, that Queene Mary, in her displeasure against London, had appointed to remove with the Parliament and Terme to Oxford; this plaine man demanded, Whether shee meant alſo An Apologie also to divert the River of Thames from London, or no? And when the Gentleman had answered, No; Then quoth the Alderman, by Gods grace we shall doe well enough at London, whatsoever become of the Terme and Parliament. I my selfe being then a young Scholler at Oxford, did see great preparation made towards that Tearme and Parliament, and doe well remember that the common opinion and voyce was, that they were not holden there, because provision of Hay could not be made in all the Country to serve for ten whole dayes together, and yet is that quarter plentifully stored with Hay for the proportion of the shire it selfe.

For proofe of the ancient estimation of London, I will not use the authority of the British Historie, nor of such as follow it (although some hold it credible enough that London was first Trinobantum civitas, or Troia nova, that famous City in our Histories, and then Luds Towne, and by corruption London, as they report) because they be not of sufficient force to draw the gain-sayers. Neither will I stand much upon that honourable Testimony which Gervas. Tilberiens. giveth to London in his booke De otiis Imperialibus, saying thus, concerning the blessing of God towards it.

In Vrbe London, exceptione habet divulgatum id per omnes aequè gentes Lucani Proverbium.

Invida fatorum series summisque negatum Stare diu:

Name ea annis 354. ante Romam condita, nunquam amisit principatum, nec bello consumpta est.

But I will rather use the credit of one or two ancient forrain Writers, & then descend to latter Histories. Cornel. Tacitus, lib. 4. Annal. saith, Londinum copia negociatorum, & comeatu maximè celebris; and Herodian in the life of Severus the Emperour, saith, Londinum urbs magna & opulenta; Beda lib. Ecclesiastic. 10. chap. 29. sheweth that Pope Gregory appointed two Archbishops Sees in England, the one at London, the other at Yorke. King Ethelstane in his Lawes appointing how many Mint-Masters should be in each City, allotteth eight to London, and not so many to any other City. The Penner of those Lawes that are said to be made by Edward the Confessor, and confirmed by William the Conquerour, saith, London est caput Regni, & Legum. King Henry the first, in the third Chapter of his Lawes, commandeth that no Citizen of London should bee amerced above an hundred shillings for any pecuniary paine. The great Chapter of England, that Helena, for which there was so long and so great warre and contention, in the ninth Chapter saith, Civitas London habeat omnes suas Libertates antiquas, &c. About the time of King Iohn, London was reputed, Regni firmata Columna, as Alex. Necham writeth: And in the beginning of the Raigne of King Richard the second, it was called Camera Regis, as Thomas Walsingham reporteth. I passe over the recitall of the Saxon Charter of King William the Conquerour; or the Latine Charters of Henry the first and second; of Richard the first; of Iohn; and of Edward the first; all which gave unto the Citizens of London great Priviledges, and of Edward the third, who reciting all the grants of his Predecessors, not onely confirmed, but also increased the same: and of the latter Kings, who have likewise added many things thereunto. Onely I wish to bee noted by them, that during all this time, all those wife and politike Princes have thought it fit, not onely to maintaine London in such plight as they found it, but also to adorne, increase, and amplifie it with singular tokens of their liberall favour and good liking. And whether there bee not now the same or greater causes to draw the like or better estimation and cherishing, let any man be judge, that will take the paines to compare the present estate of London, yet still growing to better, with the former condition of the same.

It were too much to recite particularly the Martiall services that this City hath done from time to time: neither doe I thinke that they be all committed to writing; only for a taste, as it were, I will note these few following.

Almost threescore yeeres before the Conquest, a huge Army of the Danes, (where of King Sweyne was the Leader) besieged King Etheldred in London (then the of the City of London. the which, as the story saith, then hee had none other refuge) but they were manfully repulsed, and a great number of them slaine.

After the death of this Sweyne, his sonne Canutus (afterward King of England) besieged London, both by land and by water: but after much labour, finding it impregnable, he departed: and in the same yeere repairing his forces, hee girded it with a new siege, in the which the Citizens so defended themselves, and offended him, that in the end he went away with shame.

In the dissnsion that arose between King Edward the Confessor, and his Father in law Earle Goodwin (which was the mightiest subject within this Land that ever I have read of) The Earle with a great Army came to London, and was, for all that, by the countenance of the Citizens resisted, till such time as the Nobility made reconciliation betweene them. About seventy yeeres after the Conquest, Maude the Empresse made warre upon King Stephen for the right of the Crowne, and had taken his person prisoner, but by the strength and assistance of the Londoners and Kentishmen, Maude was put to flight at Winchester, and her Brother Robert then Earle of Glocester, was taken in exchange, for whom King Stephen was delivered; I dispute not whose right was better, but I avouch the service, seeing Stephen was in possession.

The History of William Walworth the Maior of London, is well knowne, by whose manhood and policy, the person of Richard the second was rescued, the City saved, Wat Tyler killed, and all his stragglers discomfited, in reward of which service, the Maior and other Aldermen were Knighted.

Iacke Cade also having discomfited the Kings Army, that was sent against him, came to London and was there manfully and with long fight resisted, until that by the good policy of the Citizens, his Company was dispersed.

Finally, in the tenth yeere of the raign of King Edward the fourth, and not many dayes before the death of Henry the sixth, Tho. Nevill, commonly called the Bastard of Fauconbridge, armed a great Company against the King, and being denied passage thorow London, hee assaulted it on divers parts: but hee was repulsed by the Citizens, and chased as farre as Stratford, with the losse of a great many.

Thus much of certaine their principall, and personall services, in warre only: for it were infinite to repeat the particular aides of men and money which London hath ministred: and I had rather to leave it to be conjectured at, by comparison to bee made betweene it, and other Cities, whereof I will give you this one note for an example. In the twelfth yeere of the raigne of King Edward the second, it was ordered by Parliament, that every City of the Realme should make out Souldiers against the Scots: at which time London was appointed to send two hundred men, and Canterbury, being then one of our best Cities, forty, and no more. And this proportion of five to one, is now in our age encreased, at the least five to one, both in Souldiers and subsidy. As for the other services that London hath done in times of peace, they are to bee measured by consideration of the commodities, whereof I will speake anon. In the meane season let the estate and government of this City be considred, to the end that it may appeare that it standeth well with the policy of the Realme.

Caesar in his Commentaries is witnesse, that in his time the Cities of Britaine had large Teritories annexed unto them, and were severall estates of themselves, governed by particular Kings or Potentates, as in Italy and Germany yet be: and that Mandubratius was King of the Trinobants, whose chiefe City London is taken to have beene. And I finde not that this government was altered, either by Caesar, or his successors, notwithstanding that the Country became to bee tributary unto them: but that it continued, untill at length the Britaines themselves reduced all their peoples into one Monarchy, howbeit that lasted not any long season: for upon Vortiger their King, came the Saxons our Ancestors, and they drave the Britains into Wales, Cornwall, and Britain in France, and in processe of warre divided the An Apologie the Country amongst themselves into an Eptarchy, or seven Kingdomes, of the which one was called the Kingdome of the East Saxons, which having in manner the same limits that the Bishopricke of London now enjoyeth, contained Essex, Middlesex, and a part of Hertfordshire, and so included London. Againe it appeareth, that in course of time, and about 1800. yeeres after Christ, Egbert (then King of the West Saxons) Vt pisces saepe minutos magnus comest, overcame the rest of the Kings, and once more erected a Monarchy, the which till the comming in of the Normanes, and from thence even hitherto hath continued.

Now I doubt not (whatsoever London was in the time of Caesar) but that under the Eptarchy and Monarchy it hath been a subject, and no free City, though happily endowed with some large priviledges: for King William the Conquerour found a Portreeve there, whose name was Godfrey (by which name hee greeteth him in his Saxon Chre) and his office was none other than the charge of a Bayliffe, or Reeve, as by the selfe-same name continuing yet in Gravesend, and certaine other places may well appeare. But the Frenchmen using their owne language, called him sometime a Provost, and sometime a Bayliffe; whatsoever his name and Office were, he was Perpetuus Magistratus, given by the Prince, and not chosen by the Citizens, as it seemeth, for what time King Richard the first needed mony towards his expedition in the Holy Land, they first purchased of him the liberty to choose yeerely from amongst themselves two Bailiffes: and King Iohn his successor, at their like suit changed their Bayliffes into a Maior, and two Sheriffes. To these Henry the third added Aldermen; at the first elegible yeerely, but afterward by King Edward the third made perpetuall Magistrates, and Justices of the peace within their Wards, in which plight of governement it presently standeth. This shortly as I could, is the Historicall and outward estate of London: now come I to the inward pith and substance.

The estate of this City is to be examined by the quantity, and by the qualitie.

The quantity therefore consisteth in the number of the Citizens, which is very great, and farre exceedeth proportion of Hippodamus, which appointed 10000. and of others which haue set downe other numbers, as meete stints in their opinions to be well gouerned; but yet seeing both reason and experience have freed us from the law of any definite number, so that other things be observed, let that be admitted: neither is London, I feare mee, so great as populous: for well saith one, Non idem est magna Civitas & frequens, magna est enim quae multos habet qui arma ferre possunt: Whatsoever the number bee, it breedeth no feare of sedition: for as much as the same consisteth not in the extremes, but in a very mediocrity of wealth and riches, as it shall better appeare anon. And if the causes of English Rebellions bee searched out, they shall bee found in effect to bee these twaine, Ambition and Covetousnesse, of which the first raigneth in the minds of high and noble personages, or of such others, as seeke tobee gracious and popular, and have robbed the hearts of the multitude, whereas in London if any where in the world, Honos verè onus est, and every man rather shunneth than seeketh the Maiorality, which is the best marke amongst them, neither hath there been any strong faction, nor any man more popular than the rest, for as much as the government is by a Patern, as it were, and alwaies the same, how often soever they change their Magistrate. Covetousnesse, that other Syre of sedition, possesseth the miserable and needy sort, and such as bee naughtypackes, unthrifts, which although it cannot be chosen, but that in a frequent City as London is, there shall be found many, yet beare they not any great sway seeing the multitude and most part there is of a competent wealth, and earnestly bent to honest labour. I confesse that London is a mighty arme and instrument to bring any great desire to effect, if it may be won to a mans devotion: whereof also there want not examples in the English Historie. But for as much as the same is by the like reaſon of the City of London. reason serviceable and meet to impeach any disloyall attempt, let it rather bee well governed then evill liked therefore; for it shall appeare anon, that as London hath adhered to some rebellions, so hath it resisted many, and was never the Author of any one. The quality of this City consisteth either in the Law and government thereof: or in the degrees and condition of the Citizens, or in their strength and riches.

It is besides the purpose to dispute, whether the estate of the government here be a Democratie, or Aristocratie, for whatsoever it bee, being considered in it selfe, certaine it is, that in respect of the whole Realme, London is but a Citizen, and no City; a subject, and no free estate; an obedienciary, and no place endowed with any distinct or absolute power: for it is governed by the same Law that the rest of the Realme is, both in causes Criminall and Civill, a few customes onely excepted, which also are to bee adjudged, or forjudged by the common Law. And in the assembly of the estates of our Realme (which we call Parliament) they are but a member of the Comminalty, and send two Burgesses for their City, as every poore Borough doth, and two Knights for their County, as every other Shire doth, and are as straightly bound by such Lawes, as any part of the Realme is: for if contribution in subsidy of money to the Prince be decreed, the Londoners have none exemption, no not so much as to assesse themselves: for the Prince doth appoint the Commissioners.

If Souldiers must be mustered, Londoners have no Law to keepe themselves at home; if provision for the Princes houshold be to be made, their goods are not priviledged. In summe therefore, the government of London differeth not in substance, but in ceremony from the rest of the Realme, as namely, in the names and choice of their Officers, and in their Guildes and Fraternities, established for the maintenance of Handicrafts and Labourers, and for equity and good order, to bee kept in buying and selling. And yet in these also are they to bee controlled by the generall Law: for by the Statutes of 28. Edward the third, chap. 10. and of the first of Henry the fourth, chap. 15. the points of their misgovernment are inquirable by the inhabitants of the forren Shires adjoyning, and punishable by such Iusticiars as the Prince shall thereunto depute: to conclude therefore, the estate of London for government, is so agreeable a Symphony with the rest, that there is no feare of dangerous discord to ensue thereby.

The multitude (or whole body) of this populous City is two wayes to bee considered, generally, & specially: generally, they bee naturall Subjects, a part of the Commons of this Realme, and are by birth for the most part a mixture of all Countries of the same, by blood Gentlemen, Yeomen, and of the basest sort without distinction; and by profession busie Bees, and travellers for their living in the hive of this Common-wealth; but specially considered, they consist of these three parts, Merchants, Handicrafts-men, and Labourers. Merchandise is also divided into these three sorts; Navigation, by the which, Merchandizes are brought, and carried in and out over the Seas: Invection, by the which, commodities are gathered into the City, and dispersed from thence into the Country by land: and Negotiation, which I may call the keeping of a retayling or standing Shop. In common speech, they of the first sort bee called Merchants, and both the other Retaylers. Handicrafts-men bee those which doe exercise such Arts as require both labour and cunning, as Goldsmithes, Taylors, and Haberdashers, Skinners, &c. Labourers and Hirelings, I call those Quorum operae non artes emuntur, as Tully saith, of which sort bee Porters, Carmen, Watermen, &c. Againe, these three sorts may be considered, either in respect of their wealth, or number: in wealth, Merchants, and some of the chiefe Retaylers have the first place: the most part of Retaylers, and all Artificers, the second or meane place: and Hirelings, the lowest roome: But in number, they of the middle place bee first, and doe farre exceed both the rest: Hirelings be next, and Merchants bee the last. Now out of this, that the estate of An Apologie of London, in the persons of the Citizens, is so friendly interlaced, and knit in league with the rest of the Realme, not onely at their beginning by birth and blood (as I have shewed) but also very commonly at their ending by life and conversation (for that Merchants & rich men being satisfied with gaine, doe for the most part) marry their children into the Countrey, and convey themselves after Ciceroes counsell, Veluti-ex pontu in agros & possessiones: I doe referre, that there is not onely no danger towards the common quiet thereby, but also great occasion and cause of good love and amity. Out of this, that they be generally bent to travell, and doe flie poverty, Per mare, per saxa, per ignes, as the Poet saith▪ I draw hope, that they shall escape the note of many vices, which idle people doe fall into. And out of this, that they be a great multitude, and that yet the greatest part of them bee neither too rich nor too poore, but doe live in the mediocritie: I conclude with Aristotle, that the Prince needeth not to feare sedition by them, for thus saith he, Magnae vrbes, magis sunt à seditione liberae, quod in eis dominetur mediocritas, nam in parvis nihil medium est, sunt enim omnes vel pauperes vel opulenti. I am now to come to the strength and power of this City, which consisteth partly in the number of the Citizens themselves, whereof I have spoken before, partly in their riches, and in their warlike furniture: for as touching the strength of the peece it selfe, that is apparent to the eye, and therfore is not to be treated of.

The wealth and warlike furniture of London, is either publike or private, and no doubt the common treasure cannot be much there, seeing that the revenue which they have, hardly sufficeth to maintaine their Bridge, and Conduits, and to pay their officers and servants. Their Toll doth not any more then pay their Fee-Farme that they pay to the Prince. Their Issues for default of appearances bee never levied, and the profits of their Courts of Iustice doe goe to particular mens hands. Arguments hereof bee these two, one, that they can doe nothing of extraordinary charge, without a generall contribution: another, that they have suffered such as have borne the chiefe office amongst them, and were become Bankrupt, to depart the City without reliefe, which I thinke they neither would nor could have done, it the common Treasure had sufficed to cover their shame; hereof therefore we need not bee afraid. The publike Armour and munition of this City remaineth in the Halls of the Companies, as it doth thorow out the whole Realme, for a great part, in the Parish Churches; neither is that kept together, but onely for obedience to the Law, which commandeth it; and therefore if that threaten danger to the State, it may by another law bee taken from them, and committed to a more safe Armory.

The private riches of London, resteth chiefly in the hands of the Merchants & Retaylers; for Artificers have not much to spare; and Labourers had need that it were given unto them. Now, how necessary and serviceable the estate of Merchandise is to this Realme, it may partly appeare by the practice of that peaceable, politike, and rich Prince, King Henry the seventh, of whom Polidore (writing his life) saith thus, Mercatores Ille saepenumero pecunia multa data gratuite juvabat, ut mercatura ars una omnium cunctis aequè mortalibus tum commoda, tum necessariae, in suo Regno copiosior esset. But chiefly by the inestimable cōmodities that grow thereby: for who knoweth not that we have extreme need of many things, whereof forraine Countries have great store, and that we may spare many things whereof they have need? or who is ignorant of this, that we have no Mines of Silver or Gold within our Realme, so that the increase of our Coine and Bulloine commeth from elsewhere, & yet neverthelesse, we be both fed, clad, and otherwise served with forraine commodities & delights, as plentifull as with our domesticall? which thing commeth to passe by the meanes of Merchandise onely, which importeth necessaries from other countries, and exporteth the superfluities of our owne. For seeing we have no way to increase our Treasure, by Mines of Gold or Silver at home, and can have nothing without Money or Ware from other of the City of London. other Countries abroad, it followeth necessarily, that if we follow the Counsell of that good old Husband Marcus Cato, saying, Oportet patremfamilias vendacem esse, non emacem, and doe carry more commodities in value over the Seas, than we bring hither from thence: that then the Realme shall receive that overplus in mony: but if we bring from beyond the Seas Merchandize of more value, than that which we doe send over may countervaile, then the Realme payeth for that overplus in ready mony, and consequently is a loser by that ill husbandry: and therefore in this part great and heedfull regard must be had, that Symmetria and due proportion bee kept, lest otherwise either the Realme bee defrauded of her treasure, or the Subjects corrupted in vanity, by excessive importation of superfluous and needlesse Merchandize, or else that we feele penurie, even in our greatest plenty and store, by immoderate exportation of our owne needfull commodities. Other the benefits that Merchandize bringeth, shall hereafter appeare in the generall recitall of the commodities that come by London, and therefore it resteth that I speake a word of Retaylors, and finally shew that much good groweth by them both. The chiefe part of Retayling, is but a hand-maid to Merchandize, dispersing by piece-meale that which the Merchant bringeth in grosse: of which trade be Mercers, Grocers, Vinteners, Haberdashers, Ironmongers, Millayners, and all such as ſell wares growing or made beyond the Seas, and therefore so long as Merchandize it selfe shall be profitable, and such proportion kept, as neither we lose our treasure thereby, nor be cloyed with unnecessary forraine wares, this kind of Retayiing is to be retained also.

Now, that Merchants and Retaylors of London be very rich and great, it is so farre from any harme, that it is a thing both praise-worthy and profitable: for Mercatura (saith Cicero) si tenuis est, sordida putanda est, sin magna est & copiosa, non est vituperanda. And truely Merchants and Retaylers doe not altogether intus Canere, and profit themselves only: for the Prince and Realme both are inriched by their riches: the Realme winneth treasure, if their Trade bee so moderated by authority, that it breake not proportion, and they besides beare a good fleece, which the Prince may sheare when he seeth good.

But here before I conclude this part, I have shortly to answer the accusation of those men, which charge London with the losse and decay of many (or most) of the ancient Cities, corporate Townes and Markets within this Realme, by drawing from them to her selfe alone, say they, both all trade of trafficke by Sea, and the Retayling of Wares, and exercise of Manuali Arts also. Touching Navigation, which I must confesse, is apparantly decayed in many port Townes, and flourisheth onely or chiefly at London, I impute that partly to the fall of the Staple, the which being long since a great Trade, and bestowed sometimes at one Town, and sometimes at another within the Realme, did much enrich the place where it was, and being now not onely diminished in force, but also translated over the Seas, cannot but bring some decay with it, partly, to the impayring of Havens, which in many places have impoverisht those Towns, whose estate doth ebbe and flow with them, and partly, to the dissolution of Religious houses, by whose wealth and haunt, many of those places were chiefly fed and nourished. I meane not to rehearse particular examples of euery sort: for the thing it selfe speaketh, and I haste to an end. As for Retaylors thereof, and Handicrafts-men, it is no marvell if they abandon Countrey Townes, and resort to London: for not onely the Court, which is now adayes much greater, and more gallant than in former times, and which was wont to bee contented to remaine with a small company, sometimes at an Abbey or Priory, sometimes at a Bishops house, and sometimes at some meane Mannor of the Kings owne, is now for the most part either abiding at London, or else so neer unto it, that the provision of things most fit for it, may easily bee setched from thence: but also by occasion therof, the Gentlemen of all shires doe flye, and flocke to this City, the yonger sort of them to see and shew vanity, and the Oooelder An Apologie elder to save the cost and charge of hospitality, and house-keeping. For hereby it commeth to passe, that the Gentlemen being either for a good portion of the yeere out of the Countrey, or playing the Farmers, Grasiers, Brewers, or such like, more than Gentlemen were wont to doe within the Country, Retaylers and Artificers, at the least of such things as pertaine to the backe or belly, doe leave the Country Townes, where there is no vent, and doe flie to London, where they be sure to finde ready and quicke Market. And yet I wish that even as many Townes in the Low-Countries of King Philips doe stand some by one handy Art, and some by another: so also that it might bee provided here, that the making of some things, might (by discreet dispensation) be allotted to some speciall Townes, to the end, that although the daintinesse of men cannot be restrained, which will needs seeke those things at London, yet other places also might bee relieved at the least by the Workemanshippe of them.

Thus much then of the estate of London, in the government thereof, in the condition of the Cittizens, and in their power and riches. Now follow the enumeration of such benefits, as redound to the Prince and this Realme by this City: In which doing, I professe not to rehearse all, but onely to recite and run over the chiefe and principall of them.

Besides the commodities of the furtherance of Religion, and Justice: The propagation of Learning: The maintenance of Arts: The increase of riches, and the defence of Countries (all which are before shewed to grow generally by Cities, and be common to London with them) London bringeth singularly these good things following.

By advantage of the situation, it disperseth forrain Wares, (as the stomack doth meat) to all the members most commodiously.

By the benefit of the River of Thames and great Trade of Merchandize, it is the chiefe maker of Mariners, and Nurse of our Navy and Ships, which (as men know) bee the woodden walls for defence of our Realme.

It maintaineth in flourishing estate, the Countries of Norfolk, Suffolke, Essex, Kent, and Sussex, which as they lye in the face of our most puissant neighbor, so ought they above others, to bee conserved in the greatest strength and riches: and these, as it is well knowne, stand not so much by the benefit of their owne soile, as by the neighbourhood and neerenesse which they have to London.

It relieveth plentifully, and with good policy, not onely her owne poore people, a thing which scarcely any other Town or Shire doth, but also the poore that from each quarter of the Realme doe flocke unto it, and it imparteth liberally to the necessity of the Vniversities besides. It is an ornament to the Realme by the beauty thereof, and a terror to other Countries by reason of the great wealth and frequency. It spreadeth the honour of our Country farre abroad by her long Navigations, and maketh our power feared, even of barbarous Princes. It onely is stored with rich Merchants, which sort onely is tolerable: for beggerly Merchants doe bite too neere, and will doe more harme than good to the Realme.

It onely of any place in this Realme, is able to furnish the sudden necessity with a strong Army. It availeth the Prince in Tronage, Poundage and other his customes, much more than all the rest of the Realme.

It yeeldeth a greater Subsidy than any one part of the Realm, I mean not for the proportion of the value of the goods onely, but also for the faithfull service there used, in making the assesse; for no where else bee men taxed so neere to their just value as in London: yea many are found there, that for their countenance and credit sake, refuse not to bee rated above their ability, which thing never hapneth abroad in the country. I omit that in ancient time, the Inhabitants of London and other Cities, were accustomably taxed after the tenth of their goods, when the Country was assessed at the fifteenth, and rated at the eighth, when the Country was set at the twelfth: for that were to awake a sleeping dog, and I should be thought dicenda, tacenda, locutus, as the Poet said.

of the City of London. It onely doth, and is able to make the Prince a ready prest or loane of mony.

It onely is found fit and able to entertaine strangers honourably, and to receive the Prince of the Realme worthily.

Almighty God (qui nisi custodiat Civitatem, frustrà vigilat custos) grant, that his Majesty evermore rightly esteeme and rule this City, and He give grace, that the Citizens may answer duty, aswell towards God and his Majesty, as towards this whole Realme and Country, Amen.

An Appendix containing the examination of such causes, as have heretofore moved the Princes, either to fine and ransome the Citizens of LONDON, or to seize the Liberties of the City it selfe.

THese all may be reduced to these few heads: for either the Citizens have adhered in aid or armes, to such as have warred upon the Prince, or they have made tumult, and broken the common peace at home: or they have misbehaved themselves in point of government and justice: or finally, and to speak the plaine truth, the Princes have taken hold of small matters, and coyned good summes of money out of them.

To the first head I will referre whatsoever they have done, either in those warres that happened betweene King Stephen and Maud the Empresse, being competitors of the Crown: or between King Iohn and his Nobles assisting Lewes the French Kings sonne when hee invaded the Realme: for it is apparent by all Histories, that the Londoners were not the movers of these wars, but were onely used as instruments to maintaine them. The like is to bee said of all the offences that King Henry the third, whose whole raigne was a continuall warfare, conceived against this City, concerning the bearing of Armour against him: for the first part of his reign was spent in the continuation of those warres that his Father had begun with Lewes. And the rest of his life hee bestowed in that contention, which was commonly called The Barons wars. In which Tragedy London, as it could not be otherwise, had now and then a part, and had many a snub at the Kings hand for it. But in the end, when he had triumphed over Simon Mountford at Evesham, London felt it most tragicall: for then he both seized their Liberties, and sucked themselves dry: and yet Edictum Kenelworth, made shortly after, hath an honourable testimony for London, saying, Te London laudamus, &c. As for the other offences that he tooke against the Londoners, they pertaine to the other parts of my division.

Next after this, against whom the Londoners did put on armes, followeth King Edward the second, who in the end was deprived of his Kingdome, not by their meanes, but by a generall defection, both of his owne wife and sonne, and almost of the whole Nobility and Realme besides. In which trouble, that furious assault & slaughter, committed by them upon the Bishop of Excester, then Treasurer of the Realme, is to bee imputed, partly to the sway of the time wherewith they were carried, and partly to a private displeasure which they had to the Bishop.

Finally, commeth to hand King Richard the second: for these three onely in all the Catalogue of our Kings, have beene heavy Lords to London, who also had much contention with his Nobility, and was in the end deposed. But whatsoever countenance and aide the City of London brought to the warres and uprores of that time, it is notoriously true, that London never led the Dance, but ever followed the Pipe of the Nobility. To cloze up this first part therefore I affirme, that in all the troublesome actions during the reigne of these three Kings, as also in all that Ooo2heaving An Apologie, &c. heaving in, and hurling out, that afterward happened betweene King Henry the sixth, and King Edward the fourth, the City of London was many times a friend and fautor, but never the first motive or author of any intestine warre or sedition.

In the second roome I place a couple of tumultuous affraies, that chanced in the daies of King Richard the first: The one upon the day of his Coronation against the Jewes, which, contrary to the Kings owne Proclamation, would needs enter the Church to see him sacred, and were therefore ctuelly handled by the common people. The other was caused by William with the long beard, who after that hee had inflamed the poore people against the richer sort, and was called to answer for his fault, took Bow Church for Sanctuary, and kept it Castle-like, till he was fired out.

Here is a place also for the stoning to death of a Gentleman, servant to the halfe Brother of King Henry the third, which had before provoked the Citizens to fury, by wounding divers of them without any cause 1257. for the riotous fray between the servants of the Goldsmiths and the Taylors, 1268. for the hurly burly and bloodshed between the Londoners and the men of Westminster, moved by the Youngmen upon an occasion of a wrestling on Saint Iames day, 1221. and made worse by one Constantine an ancient Citizen: for the brawle and businesse that arose about a Bakers loafe at Salisbury place 1391. for the which and some other misdemeanors, King Richard the second was so incensed by evill counsell against the Londoners, that he determined to destroy them, and raze their City, and for the fight that was betweene the Citizens and Sanctuary men of Saint Martins 1454. under King Henry the sixth. And finally, for the misrule on evill May day 1519. and for such other like if there have beene any.

To the third head may bee referred the seizer of their liberties, for a false judgement given against a poore widdow, called Margaret Viel, 1246. The two severall seizers in one yeere 1258. for false packing in collections of money and other enormities: And finally, the seizer made by King Edward the first, for taking of bribes of the Bakers 1285. But all this security in seizing and resuming of the liberties, which was in old time the onely ordinary punishment was at length mitigated by King Edward the third, and King Henry the fourth, in their statutes before remembred.

In the last-place it and those offences, which I repute rather taken than given, and doe fall within the measure of the Adage, Vt canē caedas, citò invenias baculum: for King Iohn in the tenth of his reigne deposed the Bailiffes of London, because they had bought up the wheate in the Market, so that there was not to serve his Purveyors. King Henry the third his sonne compelled the Londoners to pay him 5000. pound, because they had lent to Lewes the French the like summe, of a good mind to dispatch him out of their City and the Realme, at such time as the Protectour and the whole Nobility fell to composition with him for his departure. And the same King fined them at three thousand markes, for the escape of a prisoner out of Newgate, of whom they took no charge: for he was a Clarke, prisoner to the Bishop of London, under the custody of his owne servants; and as for the place, it was onely borrowed of the Londoners to serve that turne. Hitherto of these things to this end, that whatsoever misdemeanor shall bee objected out of History against London, the same may herein appeare, both in his true place, and proper colour.

The