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Provider: University of Victoria
Database: The Map of Early Modern London
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TY - ELEC
ED - Jenstad, Janelle
T1 - Introduction to The Triumphs of Truth
T2 - The Map of Early Modern London
ET - 7.0
PY - 2022
DA - 2022/05/05
CY - Victoria
PB - University of Victoria
LA - English
UR - https://mapoflondon.uvic.ca/edition/7.0/TRIU1_critical.htm
UR - https://mapoflondon.uvic.ca/edition/7.0/xml/standalone/TRIU1_critical.xml
ER -
Soper Lane was located in the Cordwainers Street Ward just west of Walbrook Street and south of Cheapside Street. Soper Lane was home to many of the soap makers and shoemakers of the city (Stow 1:251). Soper Lane was on the processional route for the lord mayor’s shows.
Located on the banks of the Thames, Baynard’s Castle was built sometime
in the by
(Weinreb and Hibbert 129). The castle passed to
who by forfeyture for
fellonie, lost his Baronie of little Dunmow
(Stow 1:61). From the time it was built, Baynard’s Castle was the headquarters of London’s
army until the reign of
when it was handed over to the Dominican Friars,
the Blackfriars whose name is still commemorated along that part of the
waterfront
(Hibbert 10).
PLACEHOLDER LOCATION ITEM. The purpose of this item is to allow encoders to link to a location item when they cannot add a new location file for some reason. MoEML may still be seeking information regarding this entry. If you have information to contribute, please contact the MoEML team.
Paul’s Chain was a street that ran north-south between St Paul’s Churchyard and Paul’s Wharf, crossing over Carter Lane, Knightrider Street, and Thames Street. It was in Castle Baynard Ward. On the Agas map, it is labelled Paules chayne
. The precinct wall around St. Paul’s Church had six gates, one of which was on the south side by Paul’s Chain. It was here that a chain used to be drawn across the carriage-way entrance in order to preserve silence during church services.
Surrounding St. Paul’s Cathedral, St. Paul’s Churchyard has had a multi-faceted history in use and function, being the location of burial, crime, public gathering, and celebration. Before its destruction during the civil war, St. Paul’s Cross was located in the middle of the churchyard, providing a place for preaching and the delivery of Papal edicts (Thornbury).
Cheapside Street, one of the most important streets in early modern London, ran east-west between the Great Conduit at the foot of Old Jewry to the Little Conduit by St. Paul’s churchyard. The terminus of all the northbound streets from the river, the broad expanse of Cheapside Street separated the northern wards from the southern wards. It was lined with buildings three, four, and even five stories tall, whose shopfronts were open to the light and set out with attractive displays of luxury commodities (Weinreb and Hibbert 148). Cheapside Street was the centre of London’s wealth, with many
The Little Conduit (Cheapside), also known as the Pissing Conduit, stood at the western end of Cheapside Street outside the north corner of Paul’s Churchyard. On the Agas map, one can see two water cans on the ground just to the right of the conduit.
The city of London, not to be confused with the allegorical character (
Cheap Ward is west of Bassinghall Ward and Coleman Street Ward. Both the ward and its main street, Cheapside, are named after West Cheap (the market).
In early modern London, there were two Laurence Lanes: St. Lawrence Poultney Lane, which served as the boundary between Downgate Ward and Candlewick Ward, and St. Laurence Lane, Guildhall which was in Cheap ward (Harben). The latter Laurence Lane, to which this page refers, held great importance in the procession of mayoral pageants. It ran north-south, connecting Cheapside at the south and Cateaton Street (labelled on the Agas map as Ketton St.
) in the north. It ran parallel between Milk Street to the west and Ironmonger Lane to the east. It is drawn correctly on the Agas map and is labelled as S. Laurence lane.
St. Paul’s Cathedral was—and remains—an important church in London. In
Located in Broad Street Ward and Cornhill Ward, the Royal Exchange was opened in
The Julian calendar, in use in the British Empire until September 1752. This calendar is used for dates where the date of the beginning of the year is ambigious.
The Julian calendar with the calendar year regularized to beginning on 1 January.
The Julian calendar with the calendar year beginning on 25 March. This was the calendar used in the British Empire until September 1752.
The Gregorian calendar, used in the British Empire from September 1752. Sometimes
referred to as
The Anno Mundi (year of the world
) calendar is based on the supposed date of the
creation of the world, which is calculated from Biblical sources. At least two different
creation dates are in common use. See Anno Mundi (Wikipedia).
Regnal dates are given as the number of years into the reign of a particular monarch.
Our practice is to tag such dates with
Project Manager, 2020-2021. Assistant Project Manager, 2019-2020. Research Assistant, 2018-2020. Kate LeBere completed her BA (Hons.) in History and English at the University of Victoria in 2020. She published papers in
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Student contributor enrolled in
Patron saint of the
Playwright, poet, and author.
Sheriff of London
Queen of England and Ireland
Personification of religion. Appears as an allegorical character in mayoral shows.
Personification of envy. Appears as an allegorical character in mayoral shows and
Author and soldier.
Member of the
Artificer of mayoral shows.
Husband of
Playwright and poet.
King of Scotland
King of England
Poet and playwright.
Personification the city of London. Appears as an allegorical character in mayoral shows.
Writer and playwright.
Wife of
Queen of England and Ireland
Playwright.
Sheriff of London
Mother of
Father of
Sister of
Son of
Playwright, actor, pageant poet, translator, and writer. Possible member of the
Stage assistant.
Sheriff of London
Printer. Member of the
Playwright.
Personification of truth. Appears as an allegorical character in mayoral
shows and
Sheriff of London
Playwright and poet.
Personification of
Personification of error. Appears as an allegorical character in mayoral shows.
Personification of perfect love. Appears as an allegorical character in mayoral shows.
Character representing the king of the Moors. Appears in mayoral shows.
Personification of zeal. Appears as an allegorical character in mayoral shows.
Personification of liberality. Appears as an allegorical character in mayoral shows.
The
The
The
The
The
The
The
The
The
The
The
The
The
The
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the most expensive mayoral pageant of the Renaissance, and, despite the propaganda that is construed negatively today, it was arguably
finest(Bergeron 179).
a sustained moral allegory(Heinemann 127). It relies on theme and symbolism rather than plot, and the theme that is
sustainedthroughout the pageant is
Truth prevails over Error.
No other pageant-dramatist(Bergeron 182). Lawrence Manley says thatgives greater evidence of understanding the traditional iconographical presentation of allegorical figures. It is not merely a portrait, however, for it has a dramatic function: to sharpen the contrast between good and evil
(Manley 282). InMiddleton ’s pageants, sponsored by such Puritan-dominated companies as theGrocers or theSkinners , were especially frank in their allusions to contemporary vices threatening the City rulers
cast mists, and to bring the Lord Mayor bribes.
The Lord Mayor’s Show was unlike a stage play in that the pageant was peripatetic, and no one member of the audience saw it from start to finish. There was a need to write in a simple style and incorporate repetitive action (like the struggle between cause of dramatic unity
is strengthened in
movement throughout the processional of all the devices; thus the audience at almost any point has a chance to understand the dramatic action(Bergeron 186).
Unity in
white silkwhich is
powdered with stars of goldand
white satin, and wears a
diadem of stars, while
ash-colour silke.
Taking the conflict of the light/dark imagery a step further are the Moors. The Truth in [his] soul sets up the light of grace
. It seems that this
(Bergeron 183), and they rejoice in their new found religion. As well as setting up a hierarchy with Good
over Evil
, in this scene of
Christianover
Pagan. In this sense,
Perhaps judged his audience rightly
and wrote in such a style that might procure for him future work (Heinemann 125). If this was
This text is based on a collation of the two editions of
The two original editions were printed by
Unlilke other MoEML texts, this diplomatic transcription modernizes the u/v and i/j typographical conventions. The only other change that has been made has been the distinction between
assaultedby
her celestial handmaidens, the Graces and Virtuesto give the Lord Mayor some advice.
sailingon dry land towards the party.
London’s Triumphant Mount, veiled in
Triumphmoves to the cross in Cheap.
London’s Triumphant Mountin his mist, and
perform those yearly ceremonial rights which ancient and grave order hath determined, with
the entrance of his lordship’s gate near Leadenhall, where
While much is known about the mechanics of the court masque, the mechanics of the Lord Mayor’s Show is an under-investigated field. In
the fire-workethat defeated
the fireworkis unknown. The direction in the text for
a Flame shootes from the head of. Robert Withington says thatZeale , which fastening upon the / chariot ofError sets it on fire, and all the beasts that are joynde to it
obviously not alive(Withington 35), suggesting that effigies had replaced them in the chariot. This theory is sound because
Then here’s to the destruction of the seate, / There’s nothing seene of thee but fire shall eate. With the danger involved, it seems unlikely that fireworks would have been rigged to an actor’s head. Perhaps
Somewhat easier to explain is the staging of the five islands that first appear in the river Thames. These pieces of the set
, presumably constructed by trolleys
(Unwin 279). By using trolleys, one could build a boat on which an
The last problem with staging
thick, sulphurous darkness, and as
a fog or mist. In reality, the
mistwas just material that
over and over again. The reasonLondon ’s Triumphant Mount
Civic pageantry does not refer to court masques or plays produced in commercial theatres. Civic pageantry refers to entertainments that were generally accessible to the public
(Bergeron 2). Examples of civic pageantry include the Royal Entry and the Lord Mayor’s Show. David M. Bergeron also points out that [t]he involvement of the trade guilds and the cities in preparation and production of many of these entertainments also accounts for the
(Bergeron 3). The civic pageant, like the court masque, was designed for a specific occasion
and therefore had a limited lifespan. When the occasion ended, so did the dramatic life of the pageant
(Bergeron 3).
The Lord Mayor’s Show, celebrated on the morrow next after Simon and Judes day
, was probably the most familiar form of civic pageantry to a Londoner of the sixteenth or seventeenth century. The Show has its origins in another civic pageant called
a sort of civic torchlight tattoo(Blackham 41). The Watch, which was
part folk tradition, part military exercise, part civic display, consisted of a
night-time procession through the City streetsof
armed men, bowmen, cresset light bearers,(Lancashire 81). As with its successor, the Lord Mayor’s Show, the livery companies or trade guilds were involved in The Midsummer Watch. Each company was responsible for paying its cresset-bearers, archers, and men in harness, and the Companymusicians, and morris dancers
to whom the mayor and sheriffs belonged provided their pageants, giants, and morris dancers(Unwin 269). The expense of The Watch to the Companies was significantly less than the expense of a Lord Mayor’s Show. Compare the £3 that the
The Midsummer Watch was suppressed by royal edict in traditional Catholic dates and elements
(Lancashire 83). Instead the typical Watch pageantry
translated into the secular Lord Mayor’s Show (Lancashire 83), and it became the one great civic pageant of the year
(Unwin 274), almost immediately after the suppression of The Watch (Manley 265).
Though the office of Lord Mayor has existed since Lord Mayor was not adopted until
(The Lord Mayor’s Show 2002), and Robert Withington suggests that the first definite Lord Mayor’s Show
was not until 1553 (Withington 13), though some sort of procession had been going on since much earlier. In be presented to the Sovereign for approval and
(The Lord Mayor’s Show 2002), and so the tradition of the procession to Westminster began. In fact, the original
Before the mid-fifteenth century, the journey [to Westminster] was normally made entirely by land
(Lancashire 82). It was not until the barge that he sat in
making him the burn on the water
originator of the fire-barge, which afterwards became a regular feature of all pageants
(Unwin 275). Eventually, all the Companies bought or hired barges for the procession on the Thames (Blackham 45), which progressed in the traditional hierarchy
of the guilds (Knowles 166). Even if a Company was not a Great Company, its barge was still a matter of guild pride
(Knowles 166).
The Lord Mayor’s Shows were [c]ommissioned and paid for by the bachelors of the company
(Manley 261), who were elected because they were the wealthiest men of the yeomanry, which was the general body of freemen of a livery company. The Lord Mayor’s Show was the Company’s gift to one of its illustrious members
(Manley 261). As time went on, the
The Companies showed their wealth and affluence through the extravagance of their pageant. This resulted in a healthy rivalry
, which also generate[d] expensive productions
(Bergeron 138). For example, the
the characters were given long speeches(Blackham 43). Eventually, the pageants had about a
half-dozen different scenesand
numerous personages, all of which George Unwin calls
natural product[s] of the Elizabethan age(Unwin 275).
The first pageant only the speeches spoken by the characters in the pageant
(Withington 23), unlike
well-known dramatist [was] responsible for the entertainment(Bergeron 131). Other widely known writers who penned civic pageants were
The pageant theatre
, says David M. Bergeron, is the quintessence of emblematic theatre
(Bergeron 2), and the writer who was used to creating pieces for the theatre would have to take a different approach when writing civic pageantry. The pageant had to be accessible and understandable to those people watching, and therefore could not be plot-based, and if there is little or no plot, then the dramatic burden of the pageant must fall on theme
(Bergeron 7). The theme of
Truth conquers Error. Anyone watching the pageant at any point on the route would be able to discern this theme from the emblematic costumes and the simple action, even without being able to hear the speeches.
The Elizabethan and Jacobean eras were sympathetic to and indeed educated to symbolism
(Bergeron 2), and therefore playwrights and pageantwrights could use symbols and emblems to tell the crowd what exactly the pageant was about. At the same time, the symbols were used to reinforce the greatness of the host Company (like the five islands in
oligarchic dominationof the Companies (Manley 267). The Lord Mayor’s Show
celebrat[ed] the power and the values of the City’s innermost mercantile elite(Manley 284). As much as it was a day of fun for the average Londoner, the Show was also used as propaganda for the Companies.
The reign of was the Golden Age of the Lord Mayor’s Show
(Unwin 277). As the seventeenth century progressed, the pageants reached the height of their extravagance (Blackham 43), only to move in a new direction during the Restoration. The Shows of the Restoration were comical, and replaced the stilted speeches
of the Renaissance with jocular songs and clowning
(Blackham 43-44). Raymond D. Tumbleson says the shift from serious to silly is because [b]y
(Tumbleson 54).
The livery companies were the most important organizations in London in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and even more important to London, perhaps, than the monarchy. The livery companies were responsible in part for the extreme wealth in London, and even provided the monarch with money. Robert J. Blackham writes, The livery companies, with their political and municipal power, are peculiar to London. No other city has permitted such a development of its mistries and trades, nowhere else in England have chartered associations of the kind attained such wealth and power
(Blackham 2).
The livery companies originated from medieval organizations called voluntary associations formed originally for mutual protection, with religious, benevolent and social elements
(Grocers’ 1). The guilds were a mixture of worldly and religious ideals
and there was a strong sense of Christian brotherhood
between the members of a particular guild (Blackham 2). Being a member of a Worshipful Company was a source of pride and dignity for the old world trader
(Blackham 3).
The guilds were not just for social elements
and mutual protection
, they were also about money. The guildsmen were not just merchants, traders and craftsmen
, they were also bankers and financiers
(Blackham 13) helping to establish London as the commercial and financial capital of the world. commercial capital
from Antwerp (Blackham 13).
Regarding the commercial aspect of the guilds, Blackham says they were designed to represent the interests of
, though those interests may be distinct and antagonistic
(Blackham 12). The guilds protected its members by being able to regulate the establishment of businesses in the crafts and trades they controlled
(Rappaport 29). No one could practice a certain trade except the members of the corresponding Company (Blackham 13), and this protected the employer from the incompetency of the artisan
(Blackham 11). The Company controlled the intake of apprentices and the rates of wages, and no journeyman was permitted to work outside his Company (Blackham 13). The Company was committed to protecting the journeyman, who was a trained workman
, by preventing his being undersold in the labour market by an unlimited number of competitors
(Blackham 11).
It is no surprise, with their great financial and political power, that the livery companies were the most important social organizations in sixteenth-century London
(Rappaport 26). By the early seventeenth century, two-thirds of the men in London were citizens of a livery company (Rappaport 53), and the responsibilities of the companies had been extended to providing relief for the poor, collecting taxes, and organizing pageants (Rappaport 26).
The first twelve companies eventually came to be known as The Twelve Great Companies
. They are: the
In fact, citizens, or a simple ceremony at the hall
, and become a member of the Company (Rappaport 23-24). Soon after, the former apprentice (usually now a journeyman), would go to Guildhall where he would be sworn as a citizen or a freeman of London (Rappaport 24).
With his new found freedom, the citizen acquired a number of rights that the engage independently in economic activity
(Rappaport 29). It is interesting to note that, while there was no law preventing women from accepting the freedom, it is clear they were excluded from the right and privileges of citizens
(Rappaport 49). In practice, they were excluded from becoming apprentices, with a few exceptions. There were only seventy-three women enrolled as apprentices during the entire sixteenth century (Rappaport 37), and in fact, the not to take on women apprentices
(Rappaport 37).
Apprentices were the bottom of the social hierarchy within the livery companies (Rappaport 232). Above them were the journeymen, the householders, the liverymen, and the assistants at the very top (Rappaport 217). The apprentices could work their way up through the ranks, but first they had to complete their apprenticeship. Apprenticed to a master for a certain number of years, the apprentice had a set of rules he was expected to follow. He was not allowed to marry or commit fornication
, nor take part in any unlawful games
like dice or cards, and he was not supposed to go to the taverns or the theatres (Rappaport 234). The master provided his apprentice with clothing, as well as room and board (Rappaport 234). When the apprentice completed his term, the master also paid the fees for making him a free man and a member of the company
(Rappaport 235).
Above the apprentices in the hierarchy were the journeymen, who worked for wages, and householders, who ran their own shops (Rappaport 221). These two groups formed a sub-organization in the Company called illegal fraternities of journeymen in late medieval London
(Rappaport 219). These journeymen capitalized on labour shortages, working only for double or triple the normal wage (Rappaport 219), and threatening strikes against masters who employed foreigners
(Rappaport 220). It was like a union for journeymen. Something happened during the fifteenth century, in which the fraternities underwent a striking transformation
(Rappaport 220), and by the sixteenth century London’s yeomanries included journeymen and householders—the employees and employers
(Rappaport 220).
The yeomanry of the Renaissance was a somewhat autonomous organization
within a Company (Rappaport 219), and included the men who were not elite
enough to be in the livery
, which was the other sub-organization within the Company. The livery included only one-fifth of all members, making the yeomanry the bulk of the company (Rappaport 219). The yeomanry was able to stay somewhat autonomous
by providing its own income through the collection of quarterage dues
(Archer 108). Among the responsibilities of the yeomanry was enforcing many of the regulations governing a company’s craft or trade
(Rappaport 224).
In the Great Companies, there was a separate livery of the yeomanry called
(Rappaport 226). This special livery would be created only on the year when a member of that company was going to serve as Lord Mayor (Rappaport 226). The bachelors were responsible for attend[ing] upon the Lord Mayor at his going to Westminster to take his oath and certain other days of like service
(Rappaport 226). On the day of the Lord Mayor’s Show, the bachelors would also be required to dress in special costume (Rappaport 226). Being elected to marked an important distinction between the men of substance who might eventually attain the livery of their company and the lesser artisans and shopkeeps who never would
(Manley 262-163).
Movement was possible between the members of the yeomanry and the elite livery. One could be promoted from the yeomanry to the livery (Rappaport 221), but only the wealthiest householders were chosen
(Rappaport 256). It was expensive to stay in the livery. Upon being chosen, one would have to pay an admission fee (Rappaport 257), and buy a fur-lined cloak and satin hood
for formal occasions (Rappaport 218). If a liveryman’s funds were dwindling, he could find himself back in the yeomanry (Rappaport 258).
The responsibilities of a liveryman included serving on committees which performed important administrative, [and] deliberative
as well as overseeing lawsuits and appeals for action to the crown or parliament
(Rappaport 255). The elite liverymen, the
Since the Companies were so wealthy, the Tudor monarchy was heavily dependent on the good will of the City
because the City’s wealth was a source of financing more dependable than Parliament
(Manley 219). When a monarch demanded money from a Company, it would collect from its members to meet the sum of the request. When free of interest, and then was graciously pleased to lend at 8 per cent!
(Grocers’ 10). The Stuart family, however, was the worst for borrowing huge sums of money and seldom repaying it. To fund supplied the money first from their common stock, then by assessment, at first voluntary, subsequently compulsory of individual members
(Grocers’ 10).
Despite being constantly squeezed for money, the Companies were still able to partake in good works, such as establishing almshouses and providing pensions (Archer 120). The Companies would also two- to four-years interest-free loans of ten to fifty pounds to young men in need of capital to begin businesses
(Rappaport 39).
The livery companies have been described as the rock upon which the life of the City was built
(Grocers’ 1), and their presence certainly helped London achieve great status during the Renaissance.
The recognised as general traders who bought and sold
(Grocers’ 2). They were also the guild that was in charge of weighing merchandise in the City (Grocers’ 2), and they had access to warehouses and shops for the purpose of garbling or cleaning spices, drugs and kindred commodities
(Grocers’ 2). cleansing
good that were sold by weight, like spices and drugs (Grocers’ 6).
The first mention of the Grossers
(Grocers’ 6). It was not until the
(Grocers’ 6).
As was customary, the credited with the power of curing skin diseases
(Grocers’ 5). The reason for adopting
The
As a salute to the
permanent feature of the Lord Mayor’s Shows in the seventeenth century(Unwin 271), as it served to indicate the
association with the East from which they imported their drugs and spices(Blackham 41).
The
brickmason and landlord
, according to David M. Holmes (Holmes xvi), or a bricklayer and builder
, according to Margot Heinemann (Heinemann 49).
His mother remarried a broken grocer
named
At the age of eighteen, accompany the players
in hopes of making some money (Heinemann 50), and ended up marrying
Critical opinion of cynical
, amoral
, disgusting
, boring
, and profoundly serious moral fables
, and his tragedies, according to T.S. Eliot, have no point of view
(qtd. in Heinemann 1). Some sense a strong Calvinist bias
in his work (Heinemann 1), while others feel his work suggests that he came from a moderate Puritan background
(Heinemann 51).
During his early years as a dramatist, particularly for the
for whom he did six plays
(Heinemann 63).
sharp satire on royal policy, was the
greatest box-office success of the whole Jacobean period(Heinemann 2). With such success came fame, or, in
ordered it to be suppressed and the dramatist punished(Heinemann 130). As a result of this decree,
finest and his most elaboratepageant, as well as the
most expensive mayoral pageant of the Renaissance(Bergeron 179).
It is interesting to note that apparrell and porters
. hurl a few barbs at his rival
in
The
the result is a rather undistinguished work(Bergeron 186). Distinguished or not,
some twenty plays, as well as several court masques (Heinemann vii). In addition to his creative work,